E 




liiink- i/ k m- 



PRr:sENTi-:D a\ 



J 



VIRGINIA AND THE REVOLUTION 
TWO PAMPHLETS 

1774 



Heartma&'s Historical Series Number 32 



Gift 



CONSIDERATIONS 

ON THE 

PRESENTSTATE 

OF - 

' I R G I N I . 

ri • ^ "r~^^3 ' A~~^ -"" \ TJ *" 



u^£yr. 



Printed ia the Year M,r)CC,LXXlV. 



CONSIDERATIONS ON THE 

PRESENT STATE OF 
VIRGINIA 

ATTRIBUTED TO JOHN RANDOLPH 
ATTORNEY GENERAL 

and 

CONSIDERATIONS ON THE 

PRESENT STATE OF 
VIRGINIA 

EXAMINED 

BY ROBERT CARTER NICHOLAS 



Edited by Earl Gregg Swem 
Assistant Librarian, Virginia State Library 



Sixty-three copies printed for 

CHARLES F, HEARTMAN, in New York Citv 

1919 



^r 9 l^p^ 



Number.....^ of 63 copies printed on 

Nippon Vellum. 

Also seven copies printed on Japan Vellum, 
and eleven copies printed for Mr. Earl Gregg 
Swem. 



ACKNOWLEDGMENT 

Grateful acknowledgment is due 
to the officials of the Library of Con- 
gress and of the New York Public 
Library for their assistance in the 
reprinting of these two pamphlets. 
Mr. W. G. Stanard, of the Virginia 
Historical Society, has helped in 
verifying the date of birth of Nich- 
olas. 



PREFACE 

The two pamphlets reprinted in this volume were 
issued anonymously in 1774. On the title page of the 
first there has been written by a contemporary hand 
"By John Randolph esq. his majes. attorney genl. of 
that colony & brother to the speaker of the ho. of assem- 
bly who is chairman at the general congress held at 
Philadelphia." The only copy I have been able to find 
is in the New York Public Library. There is nothing 
in the pamphlet that discloses the author to a certainty. 
There is strong presumptive evidence, however, that 
John Randolph was the writer; for he is referred to by 
Nicholas in the second pamphlet as being one who was 
in attendance at one or more courts of the colony/ and 
again^ as a member of the House of Burgesses who was 
present when the bill appointing a day for a fast was 
adopted. 

John Randolph was born in 1727,^ the son of Sir John 
Randolph. He was trained for the law, and became one 
of the leading lawyers of the colony, in 1766 succeeding 
his brother, Peyton Randolph, as attorney-general, a 
position which he retained until he left Virginia in 
1775. It was permissible under the colonial govern- 
ment for an official to be also a member of the House 
of Burgesses. In the session of May, 1774, and again 
in June, 1775, he was a member of that body, repre- 
senting the College of William and Mary. On leaving 
the colony, he took with him his wife and daughters 
Ariana and Susannah. The family spent some time in 
the Scotch house of Lord Dunmore, and it was there 
that his daughter Ariana was married to James Wor- 
meley.* His home afterwards was at Brompton, and 
there he lived in absolute poverty,^ the English govern- 
ment having granted him a pension of one hundred 



pounds. He died January 31, 1784.^ His dying wish 
was that his body should be taken back to his native 
land for burial. When Mr. and Mrs. Wormeley re- 
turned to Virginia in 1785 they brought his body with 
them, and interred it in the chapel of William and Mary 
College by the side of his father and brother. '' The only 
son of John Randolph was Edmund Randolph, an ardent 
patriot, whose career in the Revolution, and in later 
years, is well known; he refused to leave Virginia in 
1775 with his parents and sisters. Though so divergent 
in their political opinions, John Randolph and Thomas 
Jefferson were close friends. With a fine courtesy, and 
in loyal friendship, Jefferson wrote to Randolph on 
August 25, 1775, and November 29, 1775. In his first 
letter he expresses the wish that Randolph may con- 
tribute towards a reconciliation with Great Britain.^ 

In this pamphlet Randolph makes a dignified plea for 
patience, and for further overtures to the English gov- 
ernment. As in other loyalist literature of the time, it 
is acknowledged that the British authorities have made 
mistakes. The writer believes, however, that a sane 
attitude on the part of the colonists will accomplish the 
needed change for the better. He is not blind to the 
possibility of separation. His intimation that he is in 
a hopeless minority supports what has been the pre- 
vailing view as to the attitude of the professional and 
political class in Virginia toward the Revolution. Of 
prominent men, of conspicuous office-holders, Randolph 
was almost alone in his attachment to the crown. The 
loyalists in Virginia were mainly recruited from the 
Scotch merchants or their representatives,® from a few 
wealthy planter families affiliated with the council, and 
from fishermen and small farmers along Chesapeake 
Bay and the rivers. There were a few of the disaffected 

10 



in all classes and conditions.'^" Some of the clergy of 
the Anglican establishment were hostile, but the great 
majority were loyal. ^^ 

The leaders of the loyalists in Virginia were the 
"reactionaries" of that day ; they stood for the old order, 
without qualification. As to their character, opinion 
has changed with the passing of the years. When the 
revolution w^as in full swing, they were considered 
despicable, were roundly hated, and were persecuted. 
Eighty and one hundred years afterwards they were 
seen to have been men, in most cases, of fine character.^^ 
In very recent times the tendency, in some quarters, 
seems to be to go to the extreme of praising them and 
accepting their arguments without reseiTation.^^ 

The second pamphlet : "Considerations on the Present 
State of Virginia Examined" has on the title page in 
the handwriting of Thomas Jefferson "By Robert Carter 
Nicholas." This copy is in the Jefferson collection in 
the Library of Congress. Further evidence that Nicho- 
las is the author may be found in Jefferson's "Notes on 
Virginia."'* The pamphlet was issued in August, 1774,'^ 
and was probably from the press of Purdie and Dixon. 

Robert Carter Nicholas, the author, was born in Vir- 
ginia on January 28, 1728,'^ the son of Dr. George 
Nicholas. He had the advantage of the best education 
the colony could provide at that time, attending William 
and Mary College. He adopted the profession of law, 
and soon became one of the leading attorneys in the 
colony. He was a member of the House of Burgesses 
from York in 1756-1761,'^ from James City in 1766- 
1775," and represented James City in all the revolu- 
tionary conventions. When, in 1766, the speakership 
was separated from the treasurership, he was chosen 
treasurer, and to this office he was re-appointed until 

11 



1776. As it was not permissible under the new consti- 
tution to be treasurer, and remain a member of the 
House of Burgesses, he chose to resign the treasurership, 
but was asked to remain in office until the end of the 
session of the assembly.^^ When Mr. Nicholas became 
treasurer in 1766, he fell heir to all the financial trou- 
bles which the former treasurer, John Kobinson, had 
brought upon the colony. The honesty of Mr. Nicholas 
in his office seems never to have been questioned.^*' He 
was a member of the committee of correspondence in 
1773, and one of a select committee of three in Williams- 
burg, appointed to direct the correspondence.^^ Jeffer- 
son says of him : "Our other patriots [Peyton] Ran- 
dolph, the Lees, Nicholas, Pendleton, stopped at the 
half way house of John Dickinson, who admitted 
that England had a right to regulate our com- 
merce, and to lay duties for such purposes, but 
not for revenue."^^ One of the best sketches that 
we have of Nicholas is by H. B. Grigsby,^^ who says that 
he belonged to the moderate party, "the friends of Brit- 
ish rule when that rule did not impinge on the rights 
and franchises of the colony."^* In 1765 he voted against 
the resolutions of Henry.^^ When, in the convention of 
March, 1775, the question of raising a force of men was 
discussed, he proposed that a standing army of 10,000 
men be raised at once, rather than attempt to organize 
the militia as Henry proposed.^® Mr. Nicholas was 
prominent in all the debates of the House of Burgesses, 
and of the conventions, and was always placed on the 
important committees. He drafted many of the im- 
portant ordinances of the conventions," and Mr. Grigsby 
thinks that the Declaration of December 13 was from 
his pen. The one characteristic which seemed to mark 
him among his contemporaries was his deep piety, and 
his devotion to the established church in the colony. He 

12 



contended with the Rev. Samuel Henley over religious 
problems, the arguments of both being printed iu the 
Virginia Gazette. ^^ This love for the church never left 
him. Jefferson outran all the patriots iu efforts for 
social reform, with Henry some distance and Pendleton 
and Nicholas far behind. When Jefferson proposed the 
act for exemi^ting dissenters from contributions to the 
established church, Pendleton and Nicholas were united 
in persistent opposition.^^ Nor was Nicholas in favor 
of independence until every thing had been done to 
avert it. John Page, of Rosewell, wrote to Richard 
Henry Lee on April 12, 1776 : "I think almost every 
man except the treasurer is willing for independence."^" 
The fact that men of a strong conservative tendency in 
Virginia, of whom Nicholas was a good representative, 
supported the revolutionary movement, leaves little 
doubt of a general hatred of actual misgovernment and 
an intense fear of threatened tyranny. 

NOTES 

1. See this volume, p. 64. 

2. See this volume, p. 68. 

3. Virginia magazine of history and biography, v. 15, p. 149. 

4. Recollections of Ralph Randolph Wormeley, rear-admiral, R. N. 

Written down by his three daughters. N. Y. 1879, p. 14. 

5. M. D. Conway's Edmund Randolph, p. 21. 

6. Virginia magazine of history and biography, v. 15, p. 149. 

7. Ibid. p. 149. 

8. Ford's Jeflferson, v. 1, p. 482, 491. 

9. H. J. Eckenrode. The revolution in Virginia, p. 119. 

10. Ibid. p. 105. 

11. Ibid. p. 106. See also R. S. Thomas, Loyalty of the Church of 

England in Virginia to the Colony in 1776 and Their Conduct. 
1907. 22 p. 

12. In the Richmond College Historical Papers, v. 1, no. 2, June 1916, 

ed. by D. R. Anderson is a full discussion by John A. George of 
Loyalism in Virginia. 



13 



13. I refer to the attempt in some publications, issued during the 

recent war, to disparage the patriot party in the American 
revolution. 

14. Philadelphia ed., 1801, p. 349. 

15. Advertised in the Virginia Gazette (Purdie & Dixons) Aug. 25, 

1774. 
'* 16. Virginia magazine of history and biography, v. 10, p. 102. 

17. Journals of the house of burgesses, 1752-1758, p. x; 1758-1761, p. viii. 

18. Journals of the house of burgesses, 1766-1769, p. 3; 1770-1772, 

p. 3; 1773-1776, p. 3. 

19. Journal of house of delegates, Nov. 29, 1776. 
' 20. Journal of house, Nov. 29, 1776. 

■'' 21. Minutes of the committee of correspondence. In the Journals of 
the house of burgesses, 1773-1776, p. 41. 
22. H. S. Randall. Life of Thomas Jefferson, v. 1, p. 87. 
w23. The Virginia convention of 1776, p. 61-69. There is a short sketch 
' of Nicholas in the preface of 4 Call. Mr. Grigsby says Nicholas 

died in 1780 "in or near his 65th year." "It is probable that I 
have made Nicholas older than he was," p. 201. Mr. W. G. 
Stanard, Secretary of the Virginia historical society, and editor 
of the Virginia magazine of history and biography, believes that 
the correct date of birth of Mr. Nicholas is Jan. 28, 1728. 

24. Ibid. p. 62. 

25. Ibid. p. 62. 

26. Ibid. p. 64. 
\J27. Ibid. p. 65. 

28. For papers by Nicholas, see issues of Feb. 24, and Mar. 12, 1774. 

29. Ford's Writings of Jefferson, v. 1, p. 53. 

30. K. M. Rowland. Life of George Mason, v. 1, p. 224. 



u 



A 



CONSIDERATIONS 

ON THE 

PRESENT STATE of VIRGINIA. 

MY Addrefs is to the Publick. To that 
Tribunal I apply, as a proper one, to 
determine on the Rectitude of my 
Sentiments. When I mention the Pub- 
lick, I mean to include only the ra- 
tional Part of it. The ignorant Vulgar 
are as unfit to judge of the Modes, as they are unable 
to manage the Reins, of Government. I muft beg Leave 
to exclude also from my Judicature every Man who 
poffeffes not a ferene Mind, and found Underftanding. 
Cool Reafoning feldom influences the Clamorous, but 
Men of Temper will always hearken to it. To fuch 
Judges I appeal ; and if what I fay be approved of, I 
hope that thofe Gentlemen who agree with me in Opin- 
ion will have Refolution enough to avow their Concur- 
rence; but if otherwife, I am open to Conviction, and 
wifh to be enlightened with better Thoughts. 

The Author of this little Performance was bom, and 
educated, in Virginia. He was nurtured in the mixed 
Principles of Obedience and Freedom, as they ftand in- 
grafted in the Englifh Constitution. He has ever held 
in Contempt the Applauf e of a giddy Multitude, but the 
good Opinion of the Wife and Virtuous he has at all 
Times endeavoured to cultivate. He is fully apprifed 
of the precarious Tenure of an Office, should he poffefs 
one; and is fenfible of the Weight of popular Odium, 
fhould it fall on him. Not folicitous about the former, 



or difmayed with the Apprehenfions of the latter, he 
has ventured to exhibit a few Remarks upon the prefent 
State of this Colony. His Motives are commendable, 
whatever his Work may be; and as he engages not to 
be tedious (Brevity beft fuiting Men of Reflection) he 
flatters himfelf that he is in no Danger of incuri'ing the 
DiXpleafure of his Countrymen. 

There never was a Country in a more diftreffed 
Situation than Virginia feems to be, at this Juncture. 
We have at our Backs, committing daily Maffacres, a 
cruel, daring, and inf idious Enemy ; driving our an- 
teriour Inhabitants in, like Sheep, to Slaughter. There 
is no law in Exiftence fnfficient to enable the Com- 
mander in Chief to repel the Attacks of thefe favage 
Invaders. For Want of a Fee Bill, our County Courts 
are fhut up, the Magiftrates not thinking themfelves 
authorifed to proceed to Bufinefs without fuch a Law. 
Our Profpect of a plentiful Crop has been very much 
abridged by an Event which was as uncommon as alarm- 
ing. Add to all thefe, we are engaged in a Difpute with 
our Mother Country, which, if maintained on both 
Sides with the Vehemence that feems to actuate each 
at this Time, muft terminate moft certainly in the De- 
ftruction of one, and perhaps of both the contending 
Parties. It behoves every Man, therefore, in this calami- 
tous State of affairs, to lend his Affiftance in Order to 
fave his Country from that Ruin which feems impend- 
ing. He who, by the Wifdom of his Counfel, effects this 
great and defirable End, will have his Memory grate- 
fully perpetuated in the Hearts of all his Countrymen. 
But, let that Man w^ho, by the Precipitation of his Con- 
duct, completes, or even accelerates, the Ruin of his 
Country, remember the Account which he miijt one Day 
make. 

16 



I have frequently heard the Term Patriotifm men- 
tioned. I had the Vanity to fnppofe that I knew its 
Import; but, if I am to judge from what I have feen 
in thofe who are faid to poffefs it, I fear that I was very 
much miftaken. I can by no Means denominate a Man 
a Patriot hecaufe he enjoys the Acclamations of the 
People. The Populace, from Freak, or Intereft, are 
ever ready to elevate their Leader to the Pinnacle of 
Fame; and Experience informs us, that they are as 
ready to pull him down. And indeed, upon fome Occa- 
fions, they feem to raife him to a Height that his Fall 
may be the greater. The fluctuating State of Patriot- 
ifm muft be known to every One who has looked, in the 
flightest Manner, into Events of this Kind. The Minion 
is idolized to-day ; to-morrow he may be execrated. The 
Stream of popular Favour is ftopped, upon the leaft 
Defection in the Favourite's Conduct. Thofe who are 
running the Race of Popularity, whilft they are the 
greateft Sticklers for the Liberty of others, are them- 
felves the most abject Slaves in Politicks. They have 
no Opinion of their own, but are the Echo of the People. 
Propriety and Wifdom are often abandoned, in Order 
to purfue the Wills of their noify Conftituents. I have 
ever been pleafed with the Obfervations of a great Man 
on the Subject of Popularity : He faid, "That the Ap- 
"plaufe beftowed by after Ages on good and virtuous 
"Actions was what he had long been ftruggling for, but 
"that that Mufhroom Popularity which was often raifed 
"without Merit, and loft without a Crime, was what he 
"held in the utmof t Contempt ; that he pitied thofe who 
"had foregone that pleafing Advifer which every Man 
"had in his own Breaft, and had given up their Minds 
"to the Slavery of every popular Impulfe; that fuch 
"Meri miftake the Shouts of a Mob for the Trumpet of 

17 



"Fame." And he gave many Inftances of Men who, 
"though they had been held up as fpotlefs Patriots, had, 
"neverthelefs, in the Hiftorian's Page, when Truth 
"triumphed over Delufion, been pronounced the Affaf- 
"fins of Liberty." 

True Patriotifm confifts not in a feparate Attach- 
ment to any particular Branch, but in the Prefervation 
of the feveral Parts of Government in that Degree of 
Strength and Vigour which the Conftitution intends 
that each fhall enjoy. England, though called a Mon- 
archy, yet is a mixed Dominion, and partakes of many 
different Species of Government. The King has a Pro- 
portion of Power lodged with him, for the Support of 
his Royal Character. The Tendency of it is, to fecure 
his Perfon from Infult, to allow him all the Pageantry 
of Dignity, and to ftrengthen his Hand in the doing 
Good, but by no Means to admit of his doing wrong. 
To anfwer thef e Purpof es, the executive Power is placed 
under his Direction. 

The People have a Share of Power allowed by the 
Conftitution to them alfo. As their Number is fo large 
that they cannot individually be prefent in Legiflature, 
they act by their Reprefentatives, who are elected by a 
Majority of the Votes of the Freeholders qualified to 
give their Suffrage. All the Power which the Electors 
would have, were they prefent in Parliament, is dele- 
gated to their Subftitutes; but ftill it is the Duty of 
thefe Deputies to confider themfelves as Fiduciaries to 
the People, and to confent to no Laws but fuch as are 
likely to produce Advantage to the Community, to fe- 
cure the Perfons of their Conftituents from unreafon- 
able Pains and Penalties, and to fix their Properties on 
fuch permanent Ground that they cannot be wrefted 
from them, or loft, but by f ome Demerit on their Pai'ts. 

18 



The Hoiife of Lords form an intermediate State, be- 
tween the King and People. They, like the Statute of 
Janus, look two different Ways : Forwards, to fee that 
the King, in the Exercife of his Prerogative, does not 
infringe the Rights of the People; backwards, to ob- 
feiwe, on the other Hand, that the People do not exceed 
that Line which is the Boundary of their Privileges. 
There are, within every Government, many interiour 
Movements; but, in England, the united Power of King, 
Lords, and Commons, is the great Wheel by which all 
the others are brought into Motion and Action. This 
vaft political Body, with its Appendages, is like the 
Earth ; it muf t be preferved in its due Poife, or elfe it 
would quickly tumble into Ruin. The great Governour 
of the Earth has taken Care that all its Decays fhall 
be inftantly repaired, its Excrefcencies removed, and 
its Imbecillities cherifhed. If the Rulers in Polity be- 
low would endeavour to imitate this unerring Pattern, 
and preferve all the conftituent Parts of Government 
entire, by ftriving aigainft thofe only which are redun- 
dant, and fof tering f uch as are below the Equilibrium ; 
and, farther, would allow to the King what is his juft 
Prerogative, and take from the People what does not 
belong to them ; would look minutely into thofe Depart- 
ments with which they are more intimately connected, 
and without Favour, Affection, or Prejudice, keep the 
Society moving on its proper Hinges; fuch a Man, and 
fuch only, I would call a Patriot, or Friend to his Coun- 
try. And, when I call him by that Name, I think I 
diftinguifh him by the moft exalted and honourable 
Appellation that can be beftowed on any human Being 
whatfoever. The Conftitution of England and Virginia 
refemble each other fo much, that what I have faid as 
to the one will hold equally as to the other. The King's 
Prerogative exif ts here, in its fulleft Luftre and Vigour. 

19 



The People, by their Reprefentatives, compofe a Branch 
of the Legif lature ; and the Council, as a middle Power, 
complete the whole Legiflative Body. Thefe integral 
Parts, as well as the fubordinate Ones, as they fall into 
Decay, demand the fame Attention and Reparations 
which thofe of every Government require. And when 
I fee a Gentleman, impartially attending to the Good of 
the Whole, abandoning the little Arts of Popularity, 
justifying publick Meafures when he thinks them right, 
and renouncing the People when he thinks them wrong ; 
when I hear him call the firft Connexions to an Ac- 
count and make no other Diftinctions between Men but 
fuch as the Law has made, and to which their Virtues 
entitle them; I fhall then admit that fuch a Man is a 
Friend to his Country. But unlefs he makes thefe 
Things the Bafis of his Conduct, I fhall confider him 
as a def igning Man ; and, as to my own Part, will place 
as little Confidence in him as if he were a profeffed 
Enemy, or a fee ret Af faff in. 

r- The prefent Difpute between Great Britain and her 
Colonies is certainly of a very interefting Nature, and 
has been already carried too far; and yet I am per- 
fuaded that it may be adjufted without Noife, and the 
publick Tranquillity again reftored, if Gentlemen would 
purfue thofe Meafures which are likely to effect w^hat 
is every Man's Wifh to obtain. The Parliament of Eng- 
land claims a fuperintending Power over the Colonies, 
which Right they infift comprehends in it that of tax- 
ing the People of America, and regulating their Trade. 
The firft the Americans deny ; but the f econd, I believe, 
is recognized by the mof t f anguine Opponents of Parlia- 
mentary Authority. In Exertion of the Right of Taxa- 
tion, the Parliament laid a Duty on Stamps and Tea. 
From the Diffatisfaction occafioned by the Stamp Act, 

20 



and the Remonftrances made against it, a Repeal was 
obtained, before it was carried into Execution. The 
Duty on Tea remained, has been paid by the Importers 
almost ever fince its Enaction, and all Uneafinefs on 
that Head feems to have fubfided for f ome confiderable 
Time paft. The End of both Parties is anfwered; the 
Parliament's in afferting, the Americans in denying. 
Why fhould not the Difpute reft at this Point? Frefh 
Clamours need not be made until frefh Caufes for fuch 
are given. New Difturbances for an old Affront are 
neither confiftent with the Dictates of Policy or Pru- 
dence. This Difpute is of fuch a Nature, and fo fixed, 
that it cuts off every Idea of Conviction on both Sides. 
The Parliament may enforce, but will never convince 
the Americans of the Propriety of their Meafures. The 
Americans may argue till Doomfday, but I am afraid 
that they will find the Parliament deaf to their Rea- 
foning, and their Eloquence unavailing. The moft 
ftubborn muft yield to fuperiour Force. The People 
of England are brave, and powerful. Happy is it for 
us that they are fo. Their Strength has been frequently 
exerted in our Protection. Their Treafure has been for 
a long Time devoted to our Ufe, and, until that fatal 
Attempt to tax the Colonies, her Deportment to us was 
truly parental. Let us make every Effort, exert every 
Nerve, in Order to terminate a Difpute which is big 
with the Fate of both of us. Friendfhip fometimes 
gathers new Force and Vigour after an Interruption 
of its Intercourse. The Hiftories of dependent States 
put it beyond a Doubt that America, when fhe is able 
to protect herfelf, will acknowledge no Superiority in 
another. That fhe will be capable, fome Time or other, 
to eftablifh an Independence, muft appear evident to 
every One, who is acquainted with her prefent Situation 
and growing Strength. But although it muft be apparent 

21 



to every One that America will, in a fhort Period, attain 
to a State of Maturity, yet, if Great Britain could be 
prevailed on to govern her Colonies to their Satisfac- 
tion, from the Force of Habit, and the good Impreffions 
which a pleafing Intercourfe niuft occafion, I am per- 
fuaded that fhe would procraftinate our Separation 
from her, and carry on an exclufive Trade with us, fo 
long as fhe is able to maintain her Weight in the politi- 
cal Scale of Europe; but, on the contrary, if fhe per- 
feveres in her Eigour, and the Colonies will not relax 
on their Part, the Parent will probably foon be with- 
out a Child, and the Offspring become unable to fupport 
itfelf. So that the great and mighty Kingdom of Eng- 
land, which by its Valour and Commerce has raifed 
itfelf to an uncommon Degree of Splendour amongft 
the Potentates of the Earth, is to fall into Ruin; and 
America, that once hopeful and promifing Soil, is to 
become fubject to the Will of fome defpotick Prince, 
and be of lefs Importance than it was whilft in the 
Hands of the Savages, the original rude, though war- 
like Poffeffors, of the weftern Part of our Globe. 
Population is the principal Thing required to give 
Profperity to America. It is a great Country, and 
Avants nothing to bring it to Perfection but Numbers. 
Will the Inhabitants of England, Ireland, or Scotland, 
leave their native Country, and migrate into one which, 
on their Entrance, inftead of a friendly and quiet Wel- 
come, will prefent to them a Scene of Confufion and 
Dif order? Will a valuable Stranger come into a Land 
where he muft engage in a Quarrel, and immediately 
enter into a State of Warfare? The Thing is too un- 
reafonable to be imagined. If it be furmifed that our 
Oppofition to Tyranny, as it is called, will invite Per- 
fons to forfake the Oppreffions of Europe and fettle 



araongft us, as in a Land of Freedom, amongft the Sons 
of Liberty, the Stranger probably will anf wer : "Ef tab- 
"lish your Liberties flrft, and then perhaps I may be- 
"come one of your Number; but whilft you daily fub- 
"ject yourf elves to the Anger of a fuperiour Power, 
"who can wreak her Vengeance on you whenever fhe 
"thinks proper, I fhall think it prudent not to wander 
"from Home." A more pleafing and natural Connec- 
tion never fubfifted between any different Bodies of 
Men than did till of late, and ought long to continue, 
between Great Britain and her Colonies. The Aiyieri- 
cans are defcended from the Loins of Britons, and 
therefore may, with Propriety, be called the Children, 
and England the Mother of them. We are not only 
allied by Blood, but are ftill farther united, by the ex- 
tenfive Trade and Commerce carried on between us. 
Our Manners are fimilar; our Religion, and Language, 
the fame. There is no Diverfity between the Laws of 
each Country, but fuch as local Circumftances have 
occasioned. Whilft we remain tied together by one 
friendly and common Band, we can preferve our Re- 
ligion and Property from Violation, and bid Defiance 
to all the hof tile Powers on Earth ; but if this ligament 
be burft afunder, our Strength will be weakened, and 
our Security at an End. Defpotifm reigns almoft every 
Where, but in the Britifh Dominions ; and although the 
Warmth and Jealoufies which at this Time prevail may 
incline fome to think that the Seeds of it are fown in 
America, and, as is common to ill Weeds, will vegetate 
and quicken into Maturity, yet lenient Meafures and 
moderate Expedients may reftore us to our former 
Tranquillity, and the Conftitution of America, from 
thence, be fixed upon fo permanent a Bafis that noth- 
ing but our internal Difputes will ever be able to fhake 

23 



it. I own that I feel, as an American, a Satisfaction 
at the Idea of that Superintendence which Great Britain 
exercifes over us, and of which I have juft now fpoken. 
Individuals will quarrel with one another; and Nations 
^i.11 difagree. No general Syftem of Pacification can 
be eftablished to keep Mankind in continual Amity. 
Should two neighbouring Colonies, Rivals in Trade, and 
reciprocally jealous of each other's increafing Great- 
nef s, engage in a Dif pute ; f hould they differ as to their 
Provincial Limits, and carry their Animofity fo far as 
to proceed to Violence; what would be the Confequence, 
if Great Britain had not a directive Power over both? 
The Heat of the one, and Obf tinacy of the other, before 
they could have Time for Reflection, might precipitate 
them into Hoftilities, and end in the Debility, perhaps 
the Deftruction, of both. The tranfmontane Inhabi- 
tants of the Colonies are in general a robuft hardy Set 
of Men, ufed to Arms, and not very paffive in their 
Tempers, or ready to brook Indignities which may be 
offered to them. The refpective Governments to which 
thefe Men belong might not be willing to check the 
military Ardour of thofe who are the immediate Pro- 
tectors of their Frontiers, if the Mother Country had 
not a controuling Power. War under fuch Circum- 
ftances muft enfue, the dreadful Confequences of which 
no Man can be at a Lof s to f oref ee ; but whilf t that Au- 
thority remains in Great Britain, we cheerfully appeal 
to it, her Decifions are acquiefced under, and a Train 
of ill Confequences prevented, which had better be left 
to the Imagination to conceive than expofed on Paper, 
to the Horrour of thofe who read them. But it may be 
asked, what are we to do at this critical Juncture? Are 
we to fit in Silence when a Sifter Colony is environed 
with Ships, and has Troops quartered in her Metropolis, 

24 



ready to obli.ire her to pay an offenfive Duty, and by that 
Means eftablish a Precedent which may endanger the 
Freedom of Pofterity? Let us firft take a Review of 
this Matter, and then confider what ought to be adopted 
under fuch Circumftances. 

The People of Rhode Ifland having entered in a 
tumultuous manner on Board the Gafpee, a Schooner 
belonging to his Majefty, which was on her Station 
there, and having burned her, and very much maltreated 
the Commander, the Government opened a Court of In- 
quiry, to difcover, if poffible, the Authors, at leaft the 
Ringleaders, of this Outrage. They fixed on this Mode 
of Proceeding as a Teft, from whence it might be known 
whether this Infult was a general Act of the Province, 
or proceeded from the Severity of a few turbulent In- 
dividuals only. It was concluded, that, if this Violence 
was not approved of throughout the Province, the better 
Clafs of People would exert themfelves in Order to 
bring the Offenders to Juftice. No difcovery having 
been made, the Court could proceed no farther; and, 
though infulted in all the puhlick Papers on the Conti- 
nent, the Miniftry were unwilling to proceed to Ex- 
tremities, but fat down filently under the Affront, 
laughed at by the Rhode Inlanders, and held in Derifion 
by Foreigners. 

The Ea^t India Company, having a large Quantity of 
Tea on their Hands, planned a Scheme for fending it 
to America, and felling it to the Colonies much cheaper 
than they could be fupplied with it from any other 
Quarter. When the Tea arrived at Bojton, the Popu- 
lace entered the Ships with Force, wrefted it out of the 
Hands of the Poffeffors, and threw it into the Sea. 
Upon this the Parliament took the Matter into Con- 



'lo 



fideration, and paffed an Act for the Blockade of this 
City until Reparation fhall be made for the Injury the 
Company hath fuf tained. 

The Miniftry, with Refpect to the Importation of the 
Tea, I am fully convinced, were no Ways concerned. 
When the Difturbance happened on feizing it, the Ad- 
miral was defired to interfere; but he refufed, faying 
that it was merely a mercantile Adventure, and he had 
noth'ing to do with it. Had the Miniftry been Parties 
in the Scheme, there is no Doubt but that the Admiral 
would have been directed to attend to it; and had he 
received fuch Inftructions, there is as little Doubt but 
that the Tea would have remained in Safety to this Day. 

The Miniftry took this Matter up on two Principles. 
They confidered, in the firft Place, that the Reafon 
which induced the Bojtonians to act in this unwarrant- 
able Manner was their miftaken Suppofition that this 
Affair was an Act of Government, and that the Eajt 
India Company was only the Tool of Power. This Idea 
of the Bojtonians they looked on as a very high Affront 
to the Crown, and as fuch deferred the Animadverfion 
of Parliament. Their fecond Reafon was, that without 
the Intervention of legiflative Authority there muft be 
a Failure of Juftice. The Eajt India Company, it is 
true, might have brought their Actions againft the 
Offenders; but how were they to find them out? The 
Affair of the Gafpee afforded Proof enough that the 
Names of the Rioters would remain an impenetrable 
Secret. But if their Names had been known, what Rea- 
fon was there to expect on the Trial a difpaffionate 
Judge, or a difinterefted Jury, when the Minds of the 
People were fo generally impreffed with the Notion 
that with the Tea were imported Shackles for themf elves 
and their Pofterity? 

26 



This Matter, therefore, was laid before the Parlia- 
ment, as the only Eefource; who, in Confeqiience of it, 
thought proper to fend an Armament to Bojton, in Order 
to oblige the People of that Place to make Retribution 
for the Injury they had done, and to put a Check to that 
growing Diforder which appeared to them to be Licen- 
tioufnefg inftead of Freedom, and which muft endanger 
the Peace of the Briiifh Empire in America, unlefs it 
was fmothered in its Infancy. If the Parliament had 
formed a general Defign againft the whole Province, 
they would have f topped all Communication with it; 
but as they levelled their Refentmfent only at the Town 
of Bofton, this ought to convince every One that they 
have no Intention to injure any other Colony, unlefs 
they commit the fame Outrage, and then it is probable 
that the fame Caufe will produce the fame Effect. That 
Part of the Act which relates to the Wharfs is, I muft 
confefs, exceptionable; it is taking private Property 
out of the Hands of the Poffeffors who may be innocent 
Men, and perhaps have done nothing to forfeit their 
Eights. But as the Defign of this Act was only puni- 
tory, when that End is anfwered, and Satisfaction made 
to the Eaft India Company, I am perfuaded that the 
Whole will be repealed. This is a true State of the Cafe, 
and I have very good Reaf ons to f uppofe that thefe were 
the Motives which induced the Parliament to proceed 
in the Manner they have done. 

That the Boftonians have acted unwarrantably can- 
not I think be denied, even by the mof t zealous American 
whatfoever. By our Magna Charta, the Palladium of 
Britifh Liberty, even Aliens are protected in their Com- 
merce with us. Had a Fre^ichman, the avowed Enemy 
of our Country, imported Tea into Bolton, he would 
have met with no Molef tation ; but the Ea^t India Com- 

27 



pany, who are Britifh Subjects, are denied this Privi- 
lege. Meffrs. Cary and Company, or any other Mer- 
chants or Perfons in England, may import any Quan- 
tity of Tea they think proper, and fell it at what Price 
they pleafe; but the East India Company cannot do it, 
though they would fell at Half the Price that any other 
Merchant can afford to difpofe of it. 

If a Commodity which is not approved of be brought 
to Market, no One will purchafe it; the Owner muft 
then cany it to fome other Place to difpofe of it. If 
the Company's Tea had been treated in this Manner, it 
muft have been carried back to England: and then the 
Act of Parliament would have been needlefs, and our 
Purpofe anfwered, without any Buftle or Difturbance 
whatfoever. 

There is nothing fo likely to enforce the Act as Vio- 
lence. Reparation will ever be demanded, when an In- 
jury is received. In eftimating the Damages, there will 
always be an Article in the Account relative to that 
which is wifhed to be enforced; and if we are obliged 
to pay the one, what will prevent our being forced to 
dKcharge the other? 

The Means to be adopted in this Emergency appear, 
to me moft obvious: We ought, in the firft Place, to 
declare, in the moft publick Manner, that the Act of the 
Boftonians in def troying the Property of the Eajt India 
Company was illegal, and ought not to be countenanced. 
This will evince our Uprightnefs, and ferve as an Ad- 
monition to that headftrong People never to go to the 
fame Excefs again. 

Then let us petition his Majefty, affure him of our 
inviolable Attachment to his Perfon and Government, 
and implore his Royal Interpofition in procuring a Re- 

28 



peal of thofe Acts which have excited fuch an Alarm 
amongft us, and when abrogated will quiet the Minds 
of his moft faithful Subjects in America. This, when 
prepared in a Language fuited to the Ears of Princes, 
and prefented in a Manner in which Kings are ufually 
addreffed, it is more than probable w^ill obtain a Re- 
drefs of our Grievances, and Peace may by this Means 
be univerfally reftored throughout America; but if we 
lengthen the Difpute, and fuffer the Paffions to work 
themfelves into a fixed Animofity, the Confequences, I 
am afraid, will be fatal. 

Our late Diffolution, though it was no Surprife to 
the Members, yet aftonifhed many, when they were in- 
formed of the Occafion of it. Fafting, when obferved 
and repeated in a proper Manner, may be very falutary 
to the natural Body ; but how the political Body can be 
benefited by changing the Hour of Dining, and making 
the Repaft in the Evening, inftead of the Afternoon 
(which was all that was required on the late Occafion, 
except the Oircumftance of attending publick Worfhip, 
in which, inftead of a Form compofed for the Purpofe, 
the ordinary Service of the Day was read) is what, I 
confefs, cannot be accounted for by me. In instances of 
great and national Offences, I have heard of general 
Humiliations by Fafting and Prayer; in which Cafes, 
as the Offenders manifefted their Contrition, and in- 
flicted a voluntary Punifhment on themfelves, God has 
been fometimes pleafed, from his extenfive Mercy, to 
fufpend his Vengeance. But the Idea that an Abftin- 
ence of a few Hours, when we acknowledge no Guilt, 
but confider ourfelves rather as Sufferers before, is 
meritorious in the Sight of Heaven, is what will never 
gain Admiffion into my Imagination. The Mortifica- 
tion of the Body, when intended as a Mark of Penitence, 

29 



is fomething; but when it is expected that the Lofs, or 
rather the poftponing of a Dinner, will induce the Su- 
preme Being to prevent a hojtile Tnvajion, or the Eor- 
rours of a cwil War, I confefs, though I fpeak with 
Deference to better Opinions, that it appears to me no 
more than — Mockery. 

If inftead of a fumptuous Supper at Night, which re- 
paired the Lofs of a Dinner in the Day, the Money ex- 
pended in the one, and faved by the other, had been 
applied to feeding thofe who fometimes, from Neceffity, 
are obliged to faft, fome Advantage would have refulted 
from this pious Inftitution; but when nothing was 
gained by the Faft but full Bellies at Night inftead of 
the Day, though I commend the religious Ardour yet 
I own that I cannot, without Flattery, applaud the Wif- 
dom of its Authors. 

The People of Bojton, who are great Admirers of the 
Externals of Religion, might be pleafed with a Cere- 
mony of this Kind on another Oecafion; but when the 
Affembly contrived fo precipitately to get diffolved, be- 
fore they had received any Advices from Boston, as to 
the Situation of the Place, or the Difpofition of the Peo- 
ple, they may be inclined to think that we mean to fob 
them off with nothing but Fasting and Prayer, a very 
flender Affiftance to Men in their dif treffed Condition. 

Let us now confider the Extent of the prefent Affo- 
ciation, and the f everal Plans propofed to be laid before 
the Meeting of the late Members appointed to be on the 
firft of Auguft next. It is agreed not to import any 
Tea, or other Eaft India Commodity, except fome Par- 
ticulars, until our prefent Difpute is at an End. If the 
Scheme had extended no farther than the Importation 
of the Tea, it might have been proper enough ; but it has 

30 



not ended here, we are not to ufe the Tea we have al- 
ready in our Houfes. This can never be thought reafon- 
able. The Effect of Habit is fo great, in many People, 
that even in trivial Matters, by Ufe, a Thing often be- 
comes an Effential. By Degrees, indeed, any Cuftom 
may be conquered; but to ftop fuddenly, and drop the 
Confumption of a Commodity which a Perfon has been 
long accuftomed to, is not only troublefome in the En- 
counter, but frequently dangerous to Health. Befides, 
as the Government has received every Advantage it pro- 
pofed to itfelf by the Duty impofed, this particular 
Reftraint muft be confidered rather as the Overflowing 
of Zeal than founded on any folid Principle. But the 
moft remarkable Part of this Affociation is that which 
relates to Spices, &c. This Exception moft plainly 
demonftrates that we confider thefe favoury Articles 
as Neceffaries in Life. 

Suppofe the Parliament fhould enter into a counter 
Affociation, and declare that we fhall not be fupplied 
with thefe Commodities, unlefs we agree that our Im- 
portations fhall be general, what Benefit will accrue to 
us from our Affociations? If it be faid that thefe Arti- 
cles may very eafily be relinquifhed in the Caufe of 
Liberty, give me Leave to afk why they were made an 
Exception in the Affociation, and whether there is not 
a fair Opening for Conjecture that our publick Coun- 
cils are influenced by our Palates. 

It is propofed by fome, I underftand, to ftop all our 
Exports, as well as our Imports. Thefe Confequences 
will follow, if this be adopted: We fhall deny to the 
Induf trious the Fruit of their Labour ; for what Benefit 
will the Planter receive from a Crop, made by the Sweat 
of his Brow, if he be deprived of the Liberty of fend- 

31 



ing it to a proper Market? How is his Family to be 
fupported, but by the Profits of his Eftate? 

This would be giving to ourfelves the very Wound 
which we complain of having been received by our Sif- 
ter Colony. It is a Species of Refentment unknown 
even to the moft vindictive. It is like blowing ourfelves 
up in a Veffel, in Order to be delivered from the Cap- 
tivity of an Enemy. It would be the higheft Injuftice 
to the Britifh Merchant, who has generoufly advanced 
his Money to the People of our Country, to put it out 
of their Power to make a Remittance; in which, per- 
haps, the Merchant's Reputation, and the Welfare of 
himfelf and Family, depend. 

In fhort, it would fix an indelible Stain on the na- 
tional Character of our Countiy to do Injuftice to inno- 
cent Men, becaufe we conceive that we have been treated 
in that Manner by others. If the Defign of this be to 
diftrefs the labouring People of England^ for Want of 
Employment, and to force them into Violence, and make 
them fight our Battles, I fhall pronounce this as ignoble 
as any of the former Confiderations. Intereft may caJt 
a Mif t before the Eyes of f ome, but Men of liberal Senti- 
ments can never adopt fo unrighteous an Expedient. 
This would be prefling Men into our Service againft 
their Will, and may caufe the Effufion of much Blood 
amongft our Fellow Subjects, which may foon be 
wanted againft the natural Enemy of our Country. But 
the Scheme, I am perf uaded, will fail in its Succef s ; for 
Great Britain muft have too many refources in her 
Power to f uftain f o heavy a Shock as is expected from 
this Diminution of her Trade; if fhe has not, I am 
afraid that her Independence as a State will be of very 
fhort Duration. 

32 



The next Thing propofed to be done is to fhiit up our 
Courts of Juftiee, and indeed that has in fome Meafure 
been already carried into Execution. Every Union, 
whether on a publick or private Nature, ought to be 
founded on Honour and Integrity. To f top the Avenues 
of Juftiee, and by that Means put it out of the Power 
of an honeft Creditor to recover his Demand, a Creditor 
who may be ruined by f uch an Impediment thrown in his 
Way, cannot be justified by the greateft Libertine in 
Politicks, or the moft depraved in Morals, Jus fuum cid- 
que tribuere, is the Foundation of all our f ocial Duties. 
The Man who violates this Rule in private forfeits the 
character of Honour, but when it is done by general 
Consent it muft give fuch a Stab to the Vitals of So- 
ciety as all the Fafting and Praying, practifed by the 
moft fuperftitious and enthufiaftick Race of Men, will 
never be able to heal or efface. I obferve, in a late Af- 
fociation, that it is ftrongly recommended to the 
Colonies not to export any Thing whatfoever, and to 
ftop all our Imports, except Saltpetre. Should this 
Meafure be generally adopted, I fhould be glad to be 
informed from whence we are to procure Saltpetre, and 
whether it can be conceived that the Merchants will 
fend their Ships to fupply us with that Commodity only, 
when we can make them no Returns in Payment, and 
when we have fhut up our Courts, and by that Means 
put it out of their Power to recover Debts already con- 
tracted with them? The beft Affociation will be to 
unite in Virtue, I mean publick Virtue. This confifts 
in a ftrict Obfervance of the Laws of our Country, and 
a fteady Adherence to the Principles of our Conftitu- 
tion. Let us apply ourfelves quietly to the Cultivation 
of our Soil, and Peace and Employment will encourage 
others to migrate into our Country. Let us give the 

33 



freeft and moft generous Encouragement to Arts and 
Manufactures, and when a valuable Artift comes 
amongft us let us receive him as a cordial Friend. Let 
us look up to our Mother Country for what we really 
want, Protection; and, in Return, let us gratefully 
aff ift her in her Dif treff es : By which Means we f hall 
increafe in Eiches and Strength, and the Mother Coun- 
try be happy in her Connexions with us. But if we 
make a Point in thwarting one another, and avoiding 
thofe Means which may tend to the mutual Advantage 
of both, the Britifh Empire muf t end, and with it fall the 
Proteftant Church; which exceeds all others, in its 
Purity and Doctrines, as much as the divine Author of 
it furpaffes all other Teachers in Wifdom and Virtue. 

If we take a View of former Affociations, we muft be 
convinced that they are little to be depended on. They 
were entered into with Warmth, but in a fhort Time 
became quite neglected. Diverfities of Opinion will for 
ever arife, on every Queftion. Unanimity is not to be 
found amongft Mankind, Fear will have its Effect. 
Intereft and Expectation muft operate ftrongly. 
Though many would unite againft a real internal Tax, 
yet thofe very Perfons would be filent in the Cafe of 
one which they conceive to be of another Nature. There 
are fome, and not a few, who think the Duty on Tea is 
no internal Tax. The Parliament of England have a 
Right to lay a Duty on their Commodities, as they think 
proper. This Right is common to all Nations. It is 
founded on this Principle: You may buy, or not, as 
you pleafe; but if you do purchafe, it muft be on the 
Sellers Terms. The Stamp Duty was laid on what was 
in common Ufe amongft us, and could not be difpenfed 
with. Ef tates muft, in the Courf e of Things, be aliened ; 
Ships muft enter and clear, or elfe Commerce would 

34 



ceafe; and Actions muft be brought to fettle Eights, 
and recover Debts. To lay a Tax on thefe Things is 
truly internal, becaufe we are bound to pay, and can- 
not avoid it ; but a Duty on Tea is f aid to be of another 
Nature : We are not obliged to purchaf e it, and there- 
fore have it in our Power to elude the Payment of the 
Duty. Where is the Difference of paying it in England, 
or in this Place, if it lies in our own Choice whether to 
pay it or not; whether we pay it ourf elves, or w^hether 
our Merchants in London pay it in our Behalf? It is 
true, that it bears hard on the Americans to be inhibited 
to deal any Where but in England, and then to lay a 
Duty on thofe Things which we purchafe; but is not 
this one of the Effects of Subordination? It can never 
be conceived that Great Britain has protected and 
cherifhed the Colonies only to rival herfelf, and to dif- 
pute her Authority. It was for her own Advantage 
that fhe has lavifhed her Treafure, and exerted her 
Strength, for us ; but f till our Interef t is f o interwoven 
with hers, that we ought to look with Horrour on any 
Attempt to caufe a Separation. Some Gentlemen con- 
ceive that the Duty on Tea, being to be paid in America, 
is intended as a Precedent, in Order to fix an internal 
Tax on us, as it were with our own Conf ent. This Opin- 
ion feems to have no other Foundation than Sufpicion. 
The Parliament could never be fo near-fighted as not 
to difcern the Abfurdity of attempting to eftablish this 
as a Precedent of an internal Tax, when it bears not 
the leait Refemblance to one, as I have already fhown. 
Befides, if a Precedent be what they wifh for, let Gen- 
tlemen look into the Lift of our Duties, and fee whether 
there has been any Want of Examples, of that Sort, 
for fome Time paf t. It is ridiculous to mention a Prece- 
dent, for fo long as the Parliament are able to enforce 

35 



Duties fo long will they lay them when they think it 
expedient; and when America has it in her Power to 
refufe the Payment of them, fhe will do it without 
Hefitation, whether there be a Precedent or not. Pos- 
terity never think themfelves bound by any Thing their 
Anceftors do, to their Prejudice; but when their Con- 
duct has met with our Approbation, I obferve that we 
then revere their Wifdom, and fanctify their Actions. 

When we take Care of the Conftitution, and guard it 
from all inteftine Injury on our Parts, its Perfections 
Mdll add Strength to it, and fecure it from Violation; 
but if we complain when the Generality of Mankind, 
and particularly the People of England^ on whom we 
fo much rely, think that our Murmurs have no real 
Foundation, we fhall increase the Number of our Op- 
ponents, and weaken our Interefts. 

Our publick Happinefs greatly depends on the Peo- 
ple. Could they be induced to elect as their Repre- 
fentatives Gentlemen of Ability and Fortune, our Coun- 
cils would have Weight, and our Caufe be defended; 
but whilft they dif regard thefe Circumftances (which, 
it muft be allowed, they fometimes do) and choofe 
Members who cannot weigh Events in the Scales of 
Policy and Juftice, but are led into Opinions as their 
Interefts and Fancy direct them. Men who can be no 
great Lofers in the general Wreck of the Conftitution 
and Confufion of the Laws, our Affemblies, and, add 
to them, our Refolutions, Affociations, dc, will have no 
Vigour or influence amongft thofe whofe Duty it is to 
obey them. 

I have little more to fay. I have f poken pretty much 
in Generals; but, if called upon, can defcend to Par- 
ticulars. I hope that the Want of Affection to my Coun- 

36 



try will not be imputed to me, hecaufe my Aim is to 
recommend Moderation. My Wifh is, that America may 
be reftored to the fame Situation in which it was when 
his prefent Majefty afcended the Imperial Throne of 
his Royal Anceftors. Then our Ways were Ways of 
Pleafantnefs, and all our Paths were Peace. But if 
the Tranquillity we then enjoyed can be no longer pre- 
f erved, but the political Misfortune which now threatens 
muft inevitably fall on us, I am refolved, if Caution 
can effect it, to avoid the Cenfure of Pofterity, as far 
as lies in my Power. From the Severity of fome Mens 
Tempers, in putting the moft unfavourable Conftruc- 
tion on their Neighbours Actions, and the Difingenuity 
of others, in judging fometimes without Facts, and at 
other Times on Facts grounded on their Testimony 
only, I forefee an Impoffibility of avoiding Reprehen- 
fion in the Clime in which we live; but I fhall be 
guarded againft it whenever it falls to my Share, by 
fecuring to myfelf a Heart which fhall never be able 
to reproach me. This Confolation I propofe cari-ying 
much farther than a political Controverfy. I intend 
that it fhall be ufeful to me, at a Day when the Actions 
of all Men will be fully difcovered, and their Integrity 
known, ftripped of the Arts of Diffimulation, which 
fome Men are wicked enough to practife, and others 
too weak to fee through, though Men of Senfe can eafily 
diftinguifh between Deception and Reality. I mean 
not to offend any Gentleman. I have a great Refpect 
for thofe who, I can foretel, without the Spirit of 
Prophecy, will differ with me in Opinion with Refpect 
to the Doctrine which I have here advanced. I wifh as 
well to my Country, and will go at any Time as great 
Lengths to ferve it, as they can be difpofed to do. I 
depart from them only where I think them too vehe- 

37 



ment, and blinded in the Purfuit of a Thing which, 
when obtained, is not, I think, worth poffeffing. I 
admit, that every Man has a Right to oppofe the Means 
of Injuftice; the Law of Nature allows it, the Law of 
Society demands it, and it is the Birthright of every 
Englijhman to do it. But what I contend for is, that 
when we make our Complaints we ought to do it in a 
Manner moft likely to obtain Succefs. The Mode of 
Application for Eedrefs is the Subject on which we dif- 
fer. Liberty is our Prayer; God grant that we may 
obtain it. 

In the meantime, I hope I fhall enjoy my private 
Freedom, which is to think for myfelf, and, at this 
critical Time, to offer my Sentiments with Regard to the 
Welfare of this Country, to which I profefs myfelf a 
devoted Servant. 



38 



CONSI DERATIONS 



ON THE 



PRESENT STATE 



O P 



VIRGINIA 

EXAMINED. 




Printrtl in the Year M.DCC.LXXIV, 



"CONSIDERATIONS 

"On the present state of VIRGINIA'' 

EX AMIN E D . 

THAT the Author of this little Performance 
was horn in Virginia, I fhall not queftion, 
fince he has been pleafed to tell us the 
Fact was really fo. It feems equally im- 
material whether the Principles, in which 
he was nurtured, were of a mixed or 
fimple Nature, as it muft be obvious that one Kind of 
thofe Princijiles folely predominates at prefent and has 
given his Mind a ftrange and unaccountable Bias. The 
perfect Enjoyment of his private Freedom in thinking 
for himfelf, and offering his Sentiments to this Coun- 
try upon every Occafion, I wifh not to interrupt; but 
he muft excufe me, if I fhould differ with him in Opin- 
ion, as to his being fo devoted a Servant to the Welfare 
of this Community, as he profeffes himfelf. Whether 
the Serenity of my Mind or the Soundness of my Un- 
derftanding will juftify me in offering myfelf a Candi- 
date for a Seat in his exclusive Judicature, I will not 
determine; all I fhall engage for is, that I will not be 
clamorous. The prefent diftreffed Situation of Vir- 
ginia is what all good Men muft heartily lament; but 
I hope he does not mean to infinuate that we have wan- 
tonly drawn any of thefe Misfortunes on ourfelves. He 
fhould recollect his Latin Adage, "Jus fuum cuique 
tribuere," that "Foundation of focial Duties," to which, 
without Doubt, he hath religioufly conformed in every 
Inftance. Popular Odium, the Weight of which he is 



fo very fenfible of, it is far from my Intention to excite 
againft him; but I am more ftrongly impelled to dif- 
pute his great Indifference about an Office, "fhould he 
poffefs one," fo very precarious in its Tenure. My fole 
View is to put my Countrymen a little more on their 
Guard, and to remove, if I can, thofe unfavourable Im- 
preflions, he has laboured to malie on the Minds of 
others. 

If fome Men have unwarrantably and unjuftly, in 
the Author's Opinion, affumed to themfelves that "moft 
exalted and honourable Appellation" of a Patriot, per- 
haps there may be found, in the World, other Charac- 
ters equally exceptionable. I do not wilh to limit his 
Ardour and the Overflowings of his Zeal for the Good 
of his Country; but would gladly be informed to what 
Purpofe, on the prefent Occafion, the Public is enter- 
tained with fo many trite Obfervations on the Nature 
of the Britifh Conf titution ; I pref ume to give them this 
Name, becaufe they have been fo repeatedly rung in 
our Ears, that the mereft ScioUjt, the verieft Smatterer 
in Politicks muft long fince have had them all by Rote. 
It is devoutly to be wifhed that the Conftitution of this 
Country were affimilated in every effential Point to 
that of Great Britain; I mean fo long as this can be 
maintained upon its juft, original Principles. Our Con- 
ftitution, however, fuch as it is, hath fuffered no vtiter- 
nal Violation, that I know of. Infringements of this 
Sort feem peculiar to another Meridian; had they 
gained Ground amongft us, perhaps we might not have 
been left entirely without an Apology, confidering the 
Force of Example, and this held out by thofe, who 
affect to be fo much our Superiors. If the uncontroul- 
able and unlimited Power claimed by Parliament over 
the Colonies is difputed on legal and conjtitutional 

40 



Principles, this furely is exceedingly wide of what the 
Author would infinuate. That the Prerogative of the 
King, "exifts here in its fulleft Lujtre and Vigour," 
and that it ever ought to do fo, is what we chearfully 
acknowledge and earneftly contend for; but the plain 
Inference which the Author would have drawn from his 
Obfervations, if he intends any Thing material, is that, 
by difputing the Power of Parliament, we draw into 
Queftion the Prerogative of our moft gracious Sov- 
ereign; than which, nothing can be more contrary to the 
Sentiments and Wifhes of all America. 

It feems that every One, who doth not adopt the 
Author's Principles, is to be confidered as a designing 
Man and muft no longer expect to be honoured with 
any Share of his Confidence. Hard and cruel Fate! but 
we muft endeavour to bear up under it, as well as we 
can. 

That the unhappy Difpute, now fubfifting between 
Great Britain and the Colonies, is of a very interefting 
Nature muft be acknowledged by every Well-wifher to 
either Country. Viewing it in its extenfive dangerous 
Confequences, I believe few have been more affected by 
the gloomy Prof pect than myf elf ; it hath even harrowed 
up my very Soul. The Reflection, that we live in a State 
of Difcord with our Fellow Subjects, whom we form- 
erly confidered and ftill wifh to efteem as our deareft 
Friends; and, above all, the Horrors, which every 
American muft feel from an Apprehenfion that the 
Mind of his gracious Sovereign may have been im- 
preffed with Ideas of a Difrefpect and Want of Loyalty 
in his Subjects, muft be extremely aflicting. I will 
venture to exprefs it as my firm and ftedfaft Belief that 
there can be found in no Part of his Majefty's Domin- 

41 



ions a warmer and more cordial Attaeliment to his 
faered Perfon and Government, than prevails through- 
out the Continent of America; for myfelf I will fpeak 
with ftill greater Confidence and fay that, had I a Win- 
dow in my Breaft, and his Majefty could deign to look 
into it, he would there fee a Heart glowing with the 
purest Sentiments of Duty and Affection. Oppreffed, 
however, as we are by fo weighty a Burthen, we never- 
thelefs ought not, we cannot lofe Sight of what is due 
to our Country, ourfelves, and our Pofterity. 

The Author tells us of his Perfuafion that the Dif- 
pute may be "adjufted without Noife; and the public 
"Tranquillity again reftored, if Gentlemen would pur- 
"fue thofe Meafures, which are likely to effect what 
"is every Man's Wifh to obtain." Let him propofe thofe 
Meafures; fo far from being noify, I will become all 
Attention, and catch, with Avidity, the delightful Ac- 
cents, as they drop from his mellifluous Tongue. If 
"the Wifdom of his Counfels fhould be able to effect 
"this defirable End, his Memory fhall be gratefully per- 
"petuated in the Hearts of all his Countrymen," and, 
to the whole Continent of America, he fhall become the 
Great Apollo. What he may have, in Referve to be 
offered, when he inclines to "defcend to Particulars," 
I will not prefume to anticipate. I muft for the prefent, 
take Leave to examine, a little, thofe "obvious Means," 
he has been pleafed to recommend. 

"We ought, it is faid, in the firft Place, to declare, in 
"the mof t public Manner, that the Act of the Boftonians 
"in deftroying the Property of the Eaft India Company 
"was illegal and ought not to be countenanced. This 
"will evince our Uprightnefs and ferve as an Admoni- 
"tion to thofe headf trong People never to go to the fame 

42 



''Lengths again. Then let us petition his Majefty; 
"adiiire him of our inviolable Attachment to his Perfon 
"and Government and implore his Royal Intei*i)ofition 
"in procuring a Repeal of thofe Acts, which have ex- 
"cited fuch an Alarm amongf t us ; and, when abrogated, 
"will quiet the Minds of his moft faithful Subjects in 
"America." I never have, nor will I ever attempt to 
juftify the Boftonians or any others in Acts of Violence 
or Intemperance; nor can I prefume to join, in a pub- 
lic Condemnation of them, without being convinced of 
their Guilt. In fhort, I cannot form a proper Judg- 
ment without being fully poffeffed of their Caufe and 
a thorough Knowledge of the Motives of their Conduct. 
Wantonly and unjujily to deftroy the Property of an- 
other, I hold in utter Abhorrence ; but I can eafily f up- 
pofe an Act of Oppreffion, which will juftify a Sufferer 
in the Execution of every Means neceffary for his Se- 
curity. Whether the Boftonians were reduced to fuch 
an Extremity I will not determine. Juftifying or con- 
demning them are very diitinct Confiderations from 
the Opinion we form of the Proceedings of Parliament. 
Each of thefe will be more diftinctly and properly re- 
marked upon, when I come to take a View of other 
Parts of the Work. I fhould be glad, however, in the 
mean Time, to know who are particularly meant by the 
Boftonians. If, when we are invited to a general Pro- 
fcripfion of thofe unhappy People, it is intended that 
we fhould condemn them in a Lump, the Innocent with 
the Guilty, the Author furely muft give up every Pre- 
tence of thofe Principles of Juftice, he would fain have 
us believe him fo much in Love with. If, on the other 
Hand, he means that we fhould condemn the Guilty 
only, why were they not dif criminated? This perhaps 
would not have laid a proper Groundwork for the Peti- 

43 



tion recommended, as it would neceffarily imply a Cen- 
fure of Parliament, whofe new Mode of Punifhment ex- 
tends, not only to all the Inhabitants of the Town of 
Bofton, but probably involves, either mediately or im- 
mediately, moft of the Inhabitants of the whole Prov- 
ince; fuch a Petition, therefore, could hardly be con- 
ceived in agreeable Language. I wifh, upon fuch Occa- 
fions, as this efpecially, that Gentlemen would avoid con- 
necting the Name of his Majefty with that of any of 
his Subjects, however dignified or diftinguifhed. We 
have a Maxim in our Law, which hath long fince be- 
come proverbial, that the King can do no Wrong. It 
is not to be fuppofed that his Majesty can himself 
attend to and direct all the arduous Affairs of his ex- 
tended Dominions. The Conftitution hath therefore 
affifted him with a Miniftry, who become the oftenfible 
Men, and are accountable, for any Wrong or Injury, 
that may fall on the Subject through their Counfel and 
Advice. As to petitioning our moft gracious Sovereign, 
I fhould prefer a Step of this Sort, previous to all 
others. America, I am prefuaded, would proftrate 
herfelf at the Foot of his Throne and not think of any 
other Means, till this was tried; I would join in the 
moft refpectful Applications to both Houfes of Parlia- 
ment for the Redrefs of our Grievances; but, alas! of 
what Avail would thefe Things be? Have they not been 
repeatedly attempted without the defired effect, as well 
by this, as the other Colonies? I would recommend to 
the Author's Perufal and moft ferious Reflection the 
feveral difregarded Petitions preferred against the 
Bofton Port Bill, and fhould be glad to know how it 
could have happened, that fuch dutiful and refpectful 
Applications, and fuch Cogency of Reafoning were 
withf tood and f urmounted, if Meaf ures of the fame Sort 
ai'B now likely to f ucceed. 

44 



In Exertion of what the Parliament claims as a Right 
of Taxation, we are reminded of the Duty impofed 
upon Stamps and Tea ; by which the Author would have 
his Readers fuppofe that thefe two Duties were laid by 
the fame Act of Parliament. This may ferve his Pur- 
pofe, in the Contraft afterwards drawn to prove that 
the Duty on Tea ought to be confidered merely as a 
Regulation of Trade; but I beg Leave to inform him 
that this Tea Duty was the Offspring of another Act, 
which impofed the Duties on Glafs, Paper, &c. And 
that this Act compared with another of the fame Sef- 
fion clearly evinces that it was not intended as a com- 
mercial Regulation, but originally defigned as one 
Article of the American Revenue, and afterwards re- 
tained merely as a Precedent. The Stamp Act he fays 
was repealed; very true; and America expreffed her 
Thanks for it, hoping that Concord and Harmony would 
be reftored and firmly eftablished. We are told, in the 
next Place, that, "though the Duty on Tea remained, 
"yet all Uneafinefs, on that Head, feemed to have fub- 
"'fided for a confiderable Time paft; that the End of 
"both Parties was anf wered ; the Parliament's in affert- 
"ing, and America's in denying ;" and why, "it is af ked, 
"fhould not the Difpute reft at this Point? Frefh 
"Clamours need not be made, until frefh Caufes for 
"fuch are given; new Difturbances for an old Affront 
"are neither confiftent wdth the Dictates of Policy or 
"Prudence ;" all this is granted ; but I find we f hall dif- 
fer, as to the recent Caufes of Complaint, which have 
been unjuftly given to the Americans. Had the Duty 
on Tea continued, where it was left a few Years fince, 
we fhould have troubled ourf elves very little about it; 
but, if arbitrary Steps have been taken to force this Tea 
on the Colonifts and compel them to pay the odious 

45 



Duty, the Cafe becomes quite altered. Let us examine 
tliis'Part of the Subject a little more minutely. 

That a regular Syftem hath been formed to fubjugate 
America by eftablishing that civil Lift in the Colonies, 
which was planned and fo earueftly recommended by a 
certain Governour, muft be evident to every attentive 
Obferver of the Proceedings of Parliament for a Series 
of Years paft. I will refer the Reader no farther back 
than the 4th Year of his prefeut Majefty's Reign, when 
the Act paffed impofing a Duty of £.7 per Ton on 
Madeira Wine and other Duties on different Articles. 
Thefe were acquiefced in, as they carried with them a 
fpecious Appearance of Advantage to the Colonies and 
bore the Semblance of Regulations of Commerce. The 
Way being fo far paved, the Minijter then feized what 
was judged a convenient Opportunity to impofe his 
Stamp Duties; the Americans were juftly alarmed, 
plainly feeing through the Whole Defign. Upon a fea- 
fonable and fpirited Oppofition, the Stamp Act was re- 
pealed, but not without a Declaration of the Supremacy 
or rather Omnipotence of Parliament; this gave the 
Colonifts very little Concern; a Declaration nearly of 
the fame Sort, though not fo extenfive, had been made 
many Years before ref pecting Ireland ; this declaratory 
Act might have remained, with the other as a dead Let- 
ter, unregarded, had there been no future Attempts to 
revive it. The favourite Scheme of an American Civil 
Lift feems to have been kept in full View, and the fuc- 
ceeding Minifter, finding that the former Attacks on 
the Rights of the Colonies had been made too openly, 
thought it moft prudent to fhift the Ground and en- 
deavour to effect the fame Purpofe by political Fineffe. 
His Manoeuvres were then difplayed in another Act 
impofing Duties on Glafs, Paper, Painter's Colours and 

46 



Tea. This, at fiift, had the Appearance of a, commei- 
cial Regulation; but the latent Defign was foon de- 
tected and fully expofed. The Oppofition made to the 
Meafure produced a veiy intimidating x\ddrefs of both 
Houfes of Parliament to the King, by which his Maj- 
efty was defired to have Profecutions fet on Foot 
against fuch, as were deemed principal Actors, upon a 
ftale Statute of King Heniy the 8th; the neceffary 
Confequence would have been, that thofe, whom the 
Oovernor thought proper, were to have been feized and 
tranfported to England, there to be tried for their fup- 
pofed Ojffences, contrary to ever-y Principle of Law and 
Juftice. The Gonfiftency of this Addrefs with thofe 
Arguments urged by the ableft Advocates for Parlia- 
mentary Poiver to prove that the Colonies are fo far 
a Part of the Empire of Great Britain, as to be fubject 
to every Law of Parliament, is left to them and our 
Author to be reconciled. How could the Colonies avoid 
being alarmed at a Proceeding big with the moft dan- 
gerous Confequences and utterly fubverfive of every 
Thing dear and valuable to them? Thefe arbitrary 
Strides of Power were protefted againl't by our Houfe 
of Burgeffes in their Seffion of 1769, and the Refolu- 
tions, they were driven into, brought on the Diffolution 
of the Affembly. The Colony being reduced to fo dif- 
agreeable a Situation, the firft Affociation, which the 
Author affects to ridicule as a nugatory, infignificant 
Act, was entered into; and, though not fo univerfally 
adopted nor fo fcrupuloufly adhered to, as it ought to 
have been, yet I am perfuaded that it was the principal 
efficient Caufe of a fubfequent Act of Parliament in 
the fucceeding Year, by which the Duties on all thofe 
Articles of Britifh Manufacture, which included moft 
that the Colonies had Occafion for, were repealed; the 

47 



Duty on Tea, however, was ftill continued; for what 
Purpofe will be prefently inquired. This repealing Act 
being attended with fome particular Circumftances, 
not very friendly to America, the Affociation, upon 
being revifed, was continued with fome Alterations al- 
lowing Importers a greater Latitude. The Parliament 
not having revived their difagreeable Meafures, but 
shewn fome Difpofition by this Act to relieve America^ 
at leaft, from a Part of her Grievances, many Perfons 
became indifferent, as to the Affociation, and, at a 
general Meeting of the Affociates, the Whole was dif- 
folved except as to the Article of Tea, and others under 
the fame Circumftances, which they continued to pro- 
teft againft. That this was too little regarded by many 
muf t be acknowledged : The Duty, merely as to the 
Quantum of it, might have been thought too inconfid- 
erable to deprive them of what the Author fuppofes 
Cujtom had made almoft a Necefjary of Life; fome Men 
ftill faw its evil political Tendency and therefore ab- 
ftained from importing or buying it, though many 
others did not, and, I believe, they now fincerely repent 
that all had not held it in equal Abhorrence. That this 
Duty on Tea was originally impofed for the fole Pur- 
pofe of raif ing a Revenue in America, and not as a com- 
mercial Regulation; and that it was afterwards re- 
tained, as a Precedent, I think, muf t be evident to every 
One, who confiders the feveral Acts of Parliament re- 
lating to the Subject. The Act itfelf, which impofed 
this Duty, declares it to be for the Purpofe of a Revenue. 
We all know that Tea paid a confiderable Duty in Eng- 
land; the Eaft India Company found great Difficulties 
in difpofing of their Tea loaded with that Duty. The 
Parliament, in the very fame Seffion, that the American 
Duty was impofed, paff ed another Act allowing a Draw- 

48 



back of the whole Duties payable in England on all Tea, 
which fhould be exported to America in the original 
Packages, upon the Company's agreeing to make good 
any Lofs the Revenue might fuftain by thef e debentures. 
This Act was to continue to the 5th of July 1772. In 
the Seffion of the fame Year, 1772, another act paff ed, to 
continue for five Years, allowing a Drawback of three 
Fifths of the Duty on all Tea, which fhould be pur- 
chafed of the Company and exported to America. We 
know that, by former Statutes, the Company were 
obliged to fell all their Commodities, Tea amongit the 
reft, at public Auction, by Inch of Candle, to the higheft 
Bidders; and were not allowed to export any Thing on 
their own Account. In 1773, when it is probable the 
Plan was concerted for fhipping the enormous Quanti- 
ties of Tea, which have occasioned our Difturbances, to 
America, another Act paffed authorifing the Com- 
pany, under a Licence from the Commiffioners of the 
Treafury, to export any Quantity of Tea to America, 
without being obliged to expof e it at public Auction ; and 
upon fuch Exportation, the whole Englifh Duty was 
to be drawn back inftead of the three Fifths allowed 
by the Act of the former Seffion. The Queftion I would 
afk is this; if either a commercial Regulation or the 
general Revenue, and not the eftablifhing a Precedent 
againft America, had been the Object of Parliament, why 
might not fo much, at leaft, of the old Duty, as was 
thought fufflcient to anfwer their American Purpofe 
of barely raifing Money, have been continued? This 
would have given no Uneaf inef s ; the Expence and Trou- 
ble of collecting the Duty in America and remitting the 
Surplus, if any fhould arife, to the Receipt of his Ma- 
jefty's Exchequer in England would have been faved. 
The proper Anfwer to the Queftion will f hew the Def ign 

49 



of Parliament, and, at, the fame Time prove what the 
Company had in View by fending the Tea to America. 
The large Quantity, they had on Hand made it a Drug, 
and they had engaged to make good to Government any 
Deficienci/ that might arife on the Duty. The allowing 
the Company to export their Tea on their own Account, 
juft at this Juncture contrary to ftanding Regulations, 
which had fubfifted for fo many Years, affords an addi- 
tional Proof of the Point in Queftion. Whatever Lofs, 
therefore, the Company may have fuftained by the De- 
ftruction of the Tea, or having it returned upon their 
Hands, fhould be placed to the Account of their own 
Imprudence, or rather, to what feems to have been a 
Co-operation with the Miniftry to pour it down the 
Throats of the Americans. Suppofe the Company had 
a Right to monopolife this Branch of Trade, to the 
Ewclufion and Prejudice of all other Merchants; were 
they not fufficiently apprifed how very dif agreeable and 
odious their fending the Tea to America would be to 
the Inhabitants of all the Continent? Governor John- 
f ton, we find, declared publicly in the Houfe of Commons 
that he had warned their Chairman againft fending 
over the Tea and told him the bad Confequences, that 
would probably attend fuch a Step; let the Refufal of 
feveral Captains of Ships to take it on Freight be alfo 
recollected. Thefe Circumftances were furely enough 
to have convinced them that they could not expect, in 
a regular, equal Courfe of Trade, to difpofe of their 
Tea in America. Was it not the greatef t Infult upon 
this whole Continent to attempt to force upon them a 
Commodity, which they had fo much Reafon to be 
convinced, when introduced in this Manner, would be 
confidered as bringing with it thofe Shackles the Author 
f peaks of? If the Company fhould pretend that they 

50 



did not fee the Matter in this Light, I would gladly know 
how other Men, of different Claffes, happened to be I'o 
very fagacious as to foretel what followed? I cannot but 
fuppofe that the Company had one of two Things in 
View. They either muft have hoped that the public 
Virtue of the Americans would not be able to withftand 
the Temptation thrown in their Way ; if they purchaf ed 
the Tea, all would be well; both the Company's Pur- 
pofe and that of Adminiftration would be anfwered; 
the Drug would be got rid of and the Duty would be 
paid. If, in the fecond Place, the Scheme fhould be 
obftructed and the Tea thereby mifcarry, their ulti- 
mate Expectation and Reliance feems to have been that 
the Miniftry would fuppoit and indemnif}^ them. 

In Hopes of aggravating the Offence of the Bof tonians, 
the Author tells us that, by "our Magna Charta, even 
"Aliens are protected in their Commerce with us; and, 
"had a Frenchman, the avowed Enemy of our Country, 
"imported Tea into Bofton he would have met with 
"no Molef tation ;" if this be f o. Thanks to the Rigour of 
the Acts of Trade, Courts of Admiralty, &c. But, fince 
he has drawn the Comparifon, I would gladly know what 
Sort of Trade, even a Frenchman can carry on with 
America, that would prove fo injurious and deftructive, 
as that which the Company endeavoured to force ^\dth 
the Colonifts. I agree it is unlawful to trade with For- 
eigners, and that we ought, by no Means, to encourage 
fuch a Practice; but I fay the Trade attempted by the 
Company, all Circumftances confidered, was equally 
illegal and more unjuft. I will fuppofe for a Moment, 
though the Fact is fupported by no Sort of Evidence, 
which I know of, that the whole Town of Bofton had 
been concerned in deftroying the Tea, and fubmit to 
every impartial Perfon how far they were blameable. 

51 



I muft here take Leave to remind our Author of one 
of his law Maxims ; Sic utere tuo, ut alienum non laedas. 
Make a free Ufe of your Property, but, fo ufe it, as 
not to prejudice what belongs to another. I take it 
that the Freedom and Liberties of America are pretty 
effential Parts of their Property; I alfo confider a 
Community, as very materially interefted in preferving 
the Virtue of its different Members; fo that every In- 
fringement or Attempt to deprive the Owners of either 
Species of the Property, I conclude comes within the 
prohibitory Part of this Maxim. It is alledged that the 
Boftonians might have declined purchafing this Tea; 
but why fhould we expect to find a larger Portion of 
public Virtue amongft thef e People, than in other Coun- 
tries? Many I make no Doubt would have refrained 
from buying, but others, probably could not, or would 
not have withftood the Temptation of purchafing at 
Half Price. 

The Company having been dif appointed in one of their 
Expectations, they are now to be gratified in the other. 
The jupreme, the omnipotent Power of Parliament is 
to be exerted to procure for them what is called Juftice, 
Indemnification, &c. The Account given us, is faid to 
be a true State of the Cafe. As being in the Secrets of 
the Cahinets, the Author may be fuppofed to know more 
than common Men; but I incline to think him miftaken 
in many effential Points; fome Things, I am fure, are 
unfairly reprefented. 

He introduces his State of Facts with the People of 
Rhode If land ; the Cafe of the Gaf pee Schooner and the 
Court of Inquiry. Would not a Stranger fuppofe, from 
his Relation of this Affair, that not only all the Inhabi- 
tants of Rhode Ifland, but that this whole Continent 

52 



was concerned either in perpetrating, abetting, or coun- 
tenancing that flagitious and wicked Act of burning his 
Majefty's Schooner and maltreating the Commander? 
Nothing I believe was farther from the Truth ; I am f ure 
every Man, in this Colony, whom I heard fpeak on the 
Subject, loudly condemned the Deed, and, had it been in 
their Power, would I believe, have configned the Per- 
petrators of it to a legal, exemplary and condign Pun- 
ishment. "Government it is faid, opened a Court of 
"'Inquiry and that this Mode of Proceeding was fixed 
"on as a Teft, from whence it might be known, whether 
"this Inf ult was a general Act of the Province ;" if not, 
it was "concluded that the better Clafs of People would 
"exert themfelves in Order to bring the Offenders to 
" Juf tice ; that, no Dif covery having been made, the Court 
"could proceed no farther; and, though infidted in all 
"the public Newfpapers on the Continent, the Miniftry 
"were unwilling to proceed to Extremities, but fat down 
"filently under the Affront, laughed at by the Rhode 
"Iflanders and held in Derifion by Foreigners.'- With- 
out detaining the Reader by a minute Scrutiny into the 
Propriety of haf tily fetting up this Court of Inquiry in 
a Country regularly eftablifhed, and, where I fhould 
f uppof e, f ince we are not told the contrary, proper Jurif- 
dictions are fixed, competent to the Examination and 
Punifhment of all Offences and Tranfgreffions of the 
Law; without relying on the juft Alarms, which novel 
Jurif dictions are apt to give a free People, I muf t remind 
the Reader of a few trifling Circumftances, which feem 
to have been carefully kept behind the Scene. Will the 
Author allow us to recollect what was to have been done 
with the Culprits, had they been difcovered. If I do 
not forget the Act of Parliament made on this Occafion, 
all Perfons, fuppofed guilty of any of the Offences 

53 



therein enumerated, were to be tranfported to Great 
Britain and there tried for their Lives. It was this, 
which gave the Alarm, and very juftly to the whole 
Continent. I find a Difpofition in fome Men to aggra- 
vate every Tranfaetion of the Americans into the moft 
enormous Crime, whilft they are prepared to palliate 
and even juftify every Act of the Miniftry, however 
arbitrary and oppreff ive. The dragging a Man from all 
his Connexions into a diftant Country to undergo the 
fevereft Trial; to ftrip him of the glorious Privilege of 
being tried by his Peers of his Vicinage, the moft valu- 
able Birthright of every Freeman; to deprive him of 
the Benefit of the Teftimony of his Witneffes, whom he 
has no Means of compelling to crofs the Atlantic; of 
the Affiftance and Comfort of his Friends, when in a 
State of the deepeft affliction, and to expofe him to 
the bitterel't Perf ecution of his Enemies ; thef e are trivial 
Circumstances, not worthy our Attention or Concern. If 
the Miniftry were infulted in the public Papers, I had 
no Hand in it, though I frankly acknowledge my Con- 
currence in condemning f o unconftitutional and oppref- 
five a Meafure and hope that no American will ever 
fubmit to it. Odious as fo unjuft and arbitrary an Act 
of Power muft appear in the Eyes of every Friend to 
Liberty, the fundamental Principles of our Laws and 
Conf titution ; yet the Author is pleafed to fix it as 
the Bafis of his Justification of the Miniftry in their 
Attack upon Bofton, ftill, if poffihle, more cruel and 
unjuft. As a Proof that the Miniftry were not concerned 
in the Importation of the Tea, we are told that "the 
"Admiral was defired to interfere, when the Disturb- 
"ance happened," but declined doing fo, confidering it 
as a "mere mercantile Adventure." Viewing the Matter 
in this Light; did he not form the better Judgment? 

54 



But how contrary is the Author's Affertion to the Ad- 
miral's own Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, in 
which he defires the Lords of the Admiralty may be 
informed "that, during the whole Tranf action, neither 
"the Governor, Magijtrates, oicncrs or Revenue Officers 
"called for his Affiftance; if they had, that he could 
"eafily have prevented the Execution of the Plan, but 
"muft have endangered the Lives of many innocent Peo- 
"ple by firing on the Town." I cannot, confidering what 
has fince happened, fuppofe the Governor and the other 
Perfons alluded to, ref trained from making fuch Appli- 
cation to the Admiral for his Affiftance, by any Motives 
of Regard for the Inhabitants. We know there are 
fometimes Wheels within Wheels, to be put in Motion 
by fecret Flprings, which it is not always convenient to 
have expofed to common Obfervation. It feems to me 
that even the Prefervation of their Tea, by all Accounts 
extremely mean in Quality, would not have anfAvered 
the Company's Purpose fo well, in feveral Refpects, as 
the Retribution now demanded on their Behalf; and 
the immediate Suppreffion of what is called a Riot might 
have defeated the earneft Expectations of the Governor 
and the Revenue Officers. The Dutch we learn deftroy 
large Quantities of their Spices, in Order to enhance 
the Value of what remains upon Hand. How very con- 
venient would it be to thofe People, could they but 
find out a Method of being paid for what they thus 
deftroy? I do not prefume to affert pofitively that the 
Miniftry were concerned in planning and promoting the 
Scheme of fending the Tea to America ; but does it ap- 
pear, in the Courfe of all the Debates, we have feen, that 
they have once denied it? Does not the Act of Parlia- 
ment laft referred to, when compared with the feveral 
Meafures lately adopted, furnifh a ftrong prefumptive 

55 



Proof that it was undertaken, at leaft, with their Appro- 
bation? How could this Act have been procured without 
their Concurrence and Aififtance? And why were not 
the Company allowed to export, on their own Account^ 
other Articles befides Tea? I fuppose there can be no 
Queftion made of the Advantages they would reap by 
monopolifing the Exports as well as Imports of all the 
Commodities they deal in. Let the Bofton Port Act and 
the other Bills brought into the Houfe of Commons, by 
the Minifter, which have probably been paffed into 
Laws before this Time, be reviewed, and then, let thofe 
doubt, who can, whether every Step taken was not with 
a Defign to compel the People of Bofton, in the firft 
Inftance, and after this was done, the whole Continent 
to f ubmit to the Payment of Duties impofed for the fole 
Purpofe of raifing a Revenue in America, and, in fo 
doing, to the Power of Parliament in every other In- 
ftance, that they may be pleafed to exert it. As a 
farther corroborative Proof, I would gladly know 
whether it appears, from any authentic Document, that 
the Company ever lodged a Complaint againft the Bof- 
tonians; they feem to have been either too confcious of 
their Fault to do it ; or the Readinef s and Alacrity, with 
which the Minif try feem to have engaged in the Buf inef s, 
might have fuperfeded the Neceffity of their complain- 
ing. 

The Miniftry, it is faid, took the Matter up on two 
Principles. They confidered, in the firft Place, that the 
Idea entertained by the Boftonians of this being an Act 
of Government was affrontive to the Crown and therefore 
deferved the Animadverfion of Parliament, The fecond 
Reafon was, "that, without the Inter-vention of the legif- 
"lative Authority, there muft be a Failure of Juftice." 
It ought rather to have been fuppofed, under the firft 

56 



Head, that the Minifter himfelf was affronted and vexed 
that the Scheme had been fruf trated ; for I cannot help 
diftinguifhing between the Crown and the Miniftry on 
thefe Occafions. 

In Proof of his fecond Reafon, the Author is pleafed 
to fay, "the Eaft India Company, it is true, might have 
"brought their Actions against the Offenders; but how 
"were they to find them? The affair of the Gafpee af- 
"forded Proof enough that the Names of the Rioters 
"would remain an impenetrable Secret; but, if their 
"Names had been known, what Reafon was there to ex- 
"pect on the Trial, a difpaffionate Judge or a difinter- 
"efted Jury, when the Minds of the People were fo 
"generally impreffed with the Notion, that, with the Tea, 
"were imported Shackles for themfelves and their Pof- 
"terity?" As to the Difficulty in dif covering the Names 
of the Offenders, would this have been any Thing more 
than the common Cafe ; when either, from not being able 
to find out the Authors of a Mifchief, or, from a Defect 
of Proof, the Perfon injured is obliged to fit down with 
the Lofs? This may be a Misfortune, but, in the prefent 
State of human Affairs, it f eems unavoidable. With Re- 
fpect to the Want of a proper Judge or Jury, a difpaf- 
fionate, impartial Judge might furely have been found, 
either among"ft the Commiffioners of the Cuftoms, or in 
one of the Courts of Admiralty on the Continent; he 
might have been invefted with the full Powers both of 
Judge and Jury, and fuch a Jurifdiction would not have 
been a Whit more exceptionable, than the Powers given 
to Courts of Admiralty by this and f everal other Acts of 
Parliament. But the Miniftry could have had no juft 
Grounds to fufpect a Failure of Juftice; f everal In- 
ftances had happened in that very Province f ufficient to 
convince them of the contrary. 

57 



"This Matter was, therefore, laid before Parliament, 
"as the only Ref oiirce ; who, in Conf equence of it, thought 
"proper to fend an Armament to Bofton in Order to 
"oblige the People of that Place to make Retribution for 
"the Injuries they had done, and to put a Check to that 
"growing Dif order, which appeared to them to be Licen- 
"tioufnefs, inftead of Freedom, and which muft endanger 
"the Peace of the Britifh Empire in America, unlefs it 
"was fmothered in its Infancy." We are told farther 
that the Refentment of Parliament was levelled only 
againft the Town of Bofton and that, if it had been in- 
tended againft the whole Province, they would have 
f topped all Communication with it; that this ought to 
convince every one that they have no Intention to injure 
any other Colony, unlefs they commit the fame Outrage, 
and then, it is probable, "the fame Caie will produce the 
"fame Effect." Before the Author had fuppofed that only 
the Town of Bofton and not other Parts of the Province 
would be affected, I wifh he had read the Addrefs of the 
Town of Salem to Governor Gage and learned their Senf e 
of this Matter; after reprefenting the great Injury that 
particular Town will fuftaln, they tell him "that there 
"is not a Town in the Province, but will feel the ill 
"Effects." 

The Author is pleafed to confefs that "the Part of the 
"Act, which relates to Wharfs is exceptionable, as it is 
"taking private Property out of the Hands of the Pof- 
"feffors, who may he innocent Men, and, perhaps, have 
"done nothing to forfeit their Rights." And is it, indeed, 
but barely exceptionable? Nothing more verily; fince, 
in the fucceeding Paragraph, we find an Apology ready 
prepared to juftify even this Part of the Act. The Def ign 
of the Act, it f eems, was only "punitory ;" when that End 
is anfwered and Satiffaction made "to the Eaft India 

58 



"Company, he is perfuaded that the Whole will be re- 
"pealed." What are we to underftand by the Term 
''punitory f It may imply confif eating, hanging, burn- 
ing; and, what not? By taking it in the moft mollified 
Senfe, the Author furely has never read the Bof ton Port 
Act, or miift fuppofe that others have not done it, elfe 
he never would have given this a^ a true State of the 
Caje. 

What can he think of the Act's declaring void Charter 
Parties and Bills of Loading f What of the Claufe 
(which may indeed carry with it an Air of Indulgence) 
effectually reftraining his Majefty from opening the 
Port, till Peace and Obedience to the Lams are fo far re- 
ftored in the Town of Bofton, that his Majef ty's Cuftoms 
may be duly collected? By Obedience to the Laws I 
underftand an implicit SubmiffiOn to all Acts of Parlia- 
ment u'hatever; by Cuftoms, is plainly meant all fuch 
Duties, as the Parliament may think fit to impofe. This 
obvious Comment may fairly be made from the Com- 
plexion of the Act itfelf, and is clearly and fully juftified 
by the other Bills before alluded to. 

What fhall we think of his Majefty's being alfo re- 
ftrained from opening any Part of the Port, "till full 
"Satisfaction is made to the Eaft India Company for the 
"Damages they have fuftained; and until it fhall be 
"certified to his Majefty in Council by the Governor or 
"Lieutenant Governour, that reafonable Satiffaction 
"hath been made to the Officers of the Revenue and others 
"who fuffered by the Riots, &c?" Here it is plain that 
thef e devoted People, and f ome of them fuppof ed, even by 
the Author himfelf, to be innocent, are thrown into the 
Hands of the Miniftry and Privy Council, our gracious 
Sovereign being reftricted, without their Confent, from 

59 



extending his Mercy to thofe unhappy Objects ; and, what 
is ftill worfe, if poffible, there being no Account of 
Damages Liquidated, the Deliverance of them from the 
Hardships and Calamities, they are now groaning under, 
muft, in a great Meafure, depend on their difcharging 
f uch Claims, as the Company, the Offi>cers of the Revenue 
and others may exhibit againft them; and, moreover, 
they are not to be relieved, till the Governor or Lieu- 
tenant Governor may be pleafed to grant a Certificate. 
The Proceedings, I own are uniform and of a Piece ; but 
I defy their Authors to maintain them on any Principles 
of Juftice. Notwithftanding all thefe Things, he en- 
deavours to perfuade us that we have no juft, recent 
Ground of Complaint and that the other Colonies need 
not be afraid. When my Neighbour's Hoiife is on Fire, 
it highly behooves me to look to my own. When the reft 
of America fees a Sifter Colony grievoufly oppreffed 
by the Hand of Power, and this, for making a Stand 
againft the Infringements and Violations of American 
Eights; they are furely called upon loudly by every 
Principle of Juftice, of public Virtue, and by every 
Motive to Self Prefervation, to purfue fuch legal and 
proper Means, as are mof t likely to f ave them from Ruin. 
Would not all the Colonies have the greateft Reafon to 
fear, if they continue fupine and indifferent to the Pro- 
ceedings againft Bofton, that they might all, in Time, 
upon a ref uf al to f ubmit to any Act of Parliament, how- 
ever oppreffive, be expofed to the fame rigorous Treat- 
ment? And have we not too many Proofs that a regular 
Syftem has been formed to bow down the Neck of Amer- 
ica to the Feet of the Minifterf Humiliating, dreadful 
Thought ! 

"That the Boftonians have acted unwarrantably, in 
"the Opinion of our Author, cannot be denied by the 

60 



"raof t zealous American." He fhould not be too precipi- 
tate in pronouncing the Sentiments of others. Many- 
judicious, upright Men, who, I believe, are now fully 
convinced, had their Doubts, at firft, upon this Point; 
they fufpended their Judgments, till they could be fatis- 
fied of the Motives, which actuated the Boftonians, and 
of the Evidence, they might have to produce of what 
Part the Miniftry took in this Bufinefs at the Beginning 
of it. Granting, however, for a Moment, that the People 
of Bofton might have acted unwarrantably; yet, what 
hath the Parliament done? Or rather, what hath it 
not done? It is much to be fufpected that the Author, 
as well as many others, in confidering this mixed Quef- 
tion, has attended only to one Side of it. Upon the above 
Conceffion, then, fome of the Men of Bofton and in its 
Neighbourhood have acted unwarrantably in deftroying 
the Property of the Eaft India Company. In this Town 
live a great many Thoufand Inhabitants, amongft whom 
are, probably, many Widows and Orphans deeply inter- 
efted in the Trade of the Place, its Wharfs, Storehoufes 
and other Appendages, Several principal Proprietors 
might have been abfent, when the Fact was committed. 
Many of thefe muft be prefumed entirely innocent; the 
Guilty however deferve Punifhment. The Law is open 
to the Injured ; and, if the Agreffors can be found out, 
there is a proper Jurifdiction to award fuch Punifh- 
ment, as the Law hath prefcribed. From a groundlefs 
Apprehenfion (I take the Liberty of calling it fo till 
the contrary is proved) that Juftice will not be impar- 
tially adminiftered, the Miniftry take the Matter up and 
lay it before Parliament. A Bill is brought in; the 
Parties accufed, contrary to every Rule of Juftice, are 
condemned, without being cited to anfwer what is laid 
to their Charge; a few of their Friends, who happened 

61 



to be on the Spot, are refiifed to be heard, and an Act 
of Parliament, inflicting the fevereft Penalties, is 
paf f ed with unuf iial Precipitation ; a Fleet and an Arma- 
ment are hurried acrofs the Atlantick with the utmoft 
Rapidity, as if it was intended that they fhonld be the 
firft Bearers of the fatal Tidings, and the dreadful An- 
nouncers of the Doom of thef e unhappy People. So much 
for the Method of Proceeding. Let us attend a little 
more particularly to the Act itfelf and its mifchievous 
Confequences. 

In the Author's pompous Difplay of the Beauties of the 
Britifh Conftitution and the L^ws of Parliament, he 
fhould have recollected one very effential Point more, 
which feems to crown the Whole, and without which, 
the Power of Parliament would become odious to every 
Man of free and liberal Sentiments. What I allude to 
will be beft explained by the following Obfervations. 

To the Parliament it, of Right, belongs to make and 
enact Laws for the better Government of all properly 
ivithin its J iirij diction; for the Encouragement of thofe, 
wiio do well and the Punifhment of all Tranfgreff ors. If 
Offences fhould arife, not guarded againft by Law, this 
Defect of Provifion is to be afcribed either to the Neglect 
of the Legiflature, or to the Imbecillity and fhort-fight- 
ednefs of human Nature. Every Inftance of this Sort 
fhould point out to the Lawgiver a future Remedy, which 
ought to be provided with all Expedition and without 
Refpect of Perfons. When general Regulations and 
Laws are eftablifhed, by which every Individual in So- 
ciety is to be bound and governed, fuch Laws are equal; 
the Legiflature acts upon truly political and conftitu- 
tional Principles, uninfluenced by Partiality, Refentment 
or the Temper of the Times. Of fuch Laws, as thefe, or 

62 



rather, the Mode of enacting tliem, none can with Reafon 
complain. But we f hould be careful never to lofe Sight 
of the material Difference between the lefiijlative, the 
judicial, and execntive Parts of our Conf titution ; f ince, 
upon a due Attention to and Obfervance of thefe Dif- 
tinctions, the Prefervation of the Whole fo very materi- 
ally depends. Occurrences prejudicial to Society may 
happen, which have not yet been provided againft by any 
Law; but thefe cannot be punifhed, without a grofs In- 
fringement of the vital Principles of the Britifh Confti- 
tution, and a direct Oppugnation to a fuperior Author- 
ity; by which we are taught, that, where there is no 
Law, there can be no Tranfgreffion. We know very well 
that, by the moft juft and invariable Rules of judging, 
penal Laws are to be conftrued ftrictlyj fo that no One 
accufed can be fubjected to a Penalty, unlefs he falls 
exprefsly within it. Upon what is this Rule founded? 
But the Reafon and Principles of eternal Juftice (which 
Legiflatures as well as Judges f hould have imprinted on 
their Hearts in indelible Characters) that penal Laws 
ought never to be calculated, like Snares, to catch Men ; 
on the contrary, that no One f hould be fubjected to the 
Pains of them, unlefs clearly and fully convicted. Again ; 
we have another Maxim in our Conftitution, namely, 
that it is better many guilty Perfons fhould efcape Pun- 
ifhment, than that one Innocent fhould fuffer. We know 
ten righteous Perfons would once have faved a whole 
City ; but this it f eems is an antiquated Doctrine, enacted 
from a ftrange old Hiftory; and the Reverfe is now to 
take Place in the Syf tem of modern Politicks. Let thefe 
Obfervations be applied to the Cafe in Hand. The Per- 
fons actually guilty of the f uppofed Offences at Bofton 
were fubject to the Penalties, and thofe only, of the Laws 
then in Force; if there were no fuch Laws, 1 fay they 

63 



were not liable to any Penalty at all. Shew me the Law 
enacted by proper Authority, or fubmltted to by im- 
memorial Ufage, declaring that the Port of Bofton or 
any other Town fhould be blocked up and the Trade, al- 
moft, of a whole Country deftroyed, even fuppofing all 
the Inhabitants of the Town guilty, which is not pre- 
tended in the prefent Cafe, and I will agree that the 
Penalty might be legally inflicted. There are many 
Perfons confeffed to be grievouf ly oppreffed by this Act, 
who are perfectly innocent. Let a Law enacted by 
proper Authority be produced, which declares that all 
the Inhabitants of Bofton or any other Town, whether 
innocent or guilty, fhall be punifhed moft feverely for 
the Acts of Violence or Intemperance of Individuals com- 
mitted either in their own Town or its Neighbourhood, 
and I will kif s the legal Rod, and yield up the Argument ; 
but, if no f uch Law can be produced, I take the Liberty 
to pronounce that the Bofton Port Act, confidering it in 
a judicial Point of View, is unconstitutional ; that, as 
an Act of legiflative Power, it is entirely ex poft facto, 
in the moft odious Senfe of the Words; and that, with 
Ref pect to all thofe ef pecially, who were confeffedly in- 
nocent, it conf titutes a new Crime and inflicts a Punif h- 
ment, which cannot be juf tifled. Here, I f uppof e, will be 
called into the Author's Aid, the Precedents urged on the 
other Side of the Water. I fhall not, for Brevity's Sake, 
quote them all ; but refer my Readers to the reft, with the 
Anfwers given to them, contenting myfelf, with men- 
tioning only two, the moft capital. 

In the Reign of King Charles the fecond, when Dr. 
Lamb was killed by unknown Perfons, the City of Lon- 
don was fined ; and, in Captain Porteus's Affair, a Fine 
was fet upon the whole City of Edinburgh. I take the 
Liberty of referring for an Anfwer to thefe Examples, 

64 



in Part, to what was urged, with much propriety, by a 
few worthy, patriotic Americans in their Petition againft 
the Bofton Port Bill. I give it in their own Words, as 
I would by no Means mutilate that Part of a Petition, 
which muft for ever endear them to all their Countiy- 
men. "The Cafe of the King againft the City of London, 
"fay they, was for a Murder committed within its Walls 
"by its Citizens in open Day. But, even then, arbitrary 
"as the Times were, the trial was public in a Court of 
"Common law; the Party heard and the Law, laid down 
"by the Judges, was, that it was an Offence, at Common 
"Law, to fuffer fuch a Crime to be committed in a walled 
"Town, Tempore diurno, and none of the Offenders to be 
"known or indicted. The Cafe of Edinburgh, in which 
"the Parliament interfered, was the Commiffion of an 
"atrocious Murder within her Gates, and aggravated by 
"an overt Act of High Treafon, in executing, againft 
"the exprefs Will of the Crown, the King's Laws. They 
"obferved that thefe Cities had, by Charter, the whole 
"executive Power within themf elves, fo that a Failure of 
"Juftice neceffarily enfued from their Connivance. In 
"both Cafes, however, full Time was allowed them to 
"dif charge their Duty, and they were heard in their own 
"Defence. But Time was not allowed to the Boftonians, 
"nor were they heard. Bofton is not a walled Town, nor 
"is the executive Power in their Hands, but in the Gov- 
"ernor's; nor was the Fact committed within it." Thefe 
Reafons I fhould have thought fufficient to difcriminate 
the different Cafes ; but my Objection is laid f till deeper, 
as I am for reducing Things to their proper Principles. 
SheAV me the law, fuhfifting at the Time thefe Offences 
w^ere f aid to have been committed, impof ing the Penalties 
inflicted, and I will agTfee that fuch Preceedings, before 
a proper Judicature, might have been right; otherwife, 

65 



from the eftablifhed Principles of the Conftitution, I 
fhall not fcruple to declare them arbitrary Exertions 
of defpotick Power. Admit but an Authority in Parlia- 
ment, not only to create new Offences, after they are 
fuppofed to have been committed, but to inflict what 
Punif hments they pleaf e for the fame, and I would gladly 
know what will become of that Security for their Prop- 
erties, their Liberties and Lives, which Englifhmen 
boaft of, as derived from the Independence of their 
Judges and the Permanency of Tenure, by which they 
enjoy their Offices. Let the Author dif prove my Pofi- 
tions, and he will make Room for conftructive Treasons 
and Felonies; (a Doctrine long fince exploded by all 
judicious, good Men, as replete with Horror;) he will re- 
peal the famous Statute of Edward the III. long ago 
eftablifhed by other Acts of Parliament, as a Criterion 
and Tef t not to be departed from ; and, above all, he will 
prove IRREFRAGABLY that a Man may tranfgrefs a Law, 
which never had Exiftence. If he fhould tell me of the 
Power, or rather Omnipotence of Parliament and the 
Neceffities of State, I have to remind him that fuch a 
Power is inadmiffible, fince it contradicts a more tran- 
fcendent Authority; and that no Exigency of Grovern- 
ment can commute for f o flagrant a Violation of the firft 
and fundamental Principles of the Conftitution and the 
facred Laws of Juftice. If, in attempting to reafon on 
thefe Principles, I am drawn back to the State of Nature, 
where, according to the old Vulgarifms, Might was fure 
to overcome Right, and, where the weakest always went 
to the Wall, I muft drop my Pen, and go in Queft of a 
new Topick. 

"There is nothing, we are told, fo likely to enforce the 
"Act, as Violence. Reparation will ever be demanded, 
"when an Injury is received. In eftimating the Damages, 

66 



"there will always be an Article in the Account relative 
''to that, which is wifhed to be enforced; and, if we are 
"obliged to pay the one, what will prevent our being 
"forced to difeharge the otherf^' Here the whole Secret 
tranfpires. What is that Article, which is wifhed to 
be enforced, but the detef table Duty on Tea? This w^e 
will agree was the primary, the principal Object. The 
Author fpeaking here of Force, recalls my Attention to 
a former Part of his Work, which I, by no Means, in- 
tended to neglect. There we are told the "nioft f tubborn 
(by which are plainly meant the unhappy Americans) 
muft" yield to fuperior "Force." This without Queftion 
is a moft powerful and irrefiftible Argument. A man of 
fuperior Strength it would be imprudent in me wantonly 
to provoke. But, if he treats me ill ; if he irritates and 
oppref f es me ; am I bound by any Laws, human or divine, 
to continue my good Offices towards him, fo as to in- 
creafe his Power of doing me farther Mif chief? Pru- 
dence advifes that I fhould leffen my Connexions with 
him ; and, if he proceeds to Acts of open Violence againf t 
me. Self Prefervation, the very firft Law of Nature, de- 
mands that I fhould defend myfelf to the utmoft of my 
Power. 

The Author's Aphorifm that "Friendfhip fometimes 
"gathers new Force and Vigour, after an Interruption of 
"its Intercourfe," may be true enough ; though I think he 
had better have fet it to the Tune of Amantium Irae 
Amoris, &c. than attempted to prove it, by his fubfe- 
quent Prophecy ; which f eems rather intended to keep up 
the alarm in Great Britain, than to anfwer any other 
Purpofe. Peeping into the Womb of Time, he has dif- 
covered and foretold that America will, one Day, become 
independent. 

67 



The princi'pal, avoioed Caufc of the prefent rigorous 
Meaf ures againf t America f eems to arif e from a Jealousy 
excited by an Apprehenfion that we affect and aim at 
Independency ; and we cannot gain Credit, notwithftand- 
ing our implicit and moft folemn Affurances of the 
eontrary\ For myfelf, I do proteft before God and the 
World, that the utmoft of my Wifh is, that Things may 
return to their old Channel, when we lived a free and 
happy People. This obtained, I would, with Pleafure, 
fay to each Country, Esto perpetua. He had before 
given it as his Opinion that the Americans might argue 
till Doomjday, but that he was afraid they would find the 
"Parliament deaf to their Reaf oning and their Eloquence 
"unavailing;" what can he now mean by Abatement of 
Rigour on their Part, and Relaxation on ours ; unlef s it 
is, that America fhould offer a Carte hlanche, in Hopes 
of prevailing with Parliament to defift from Punifh- 
ment? 

The great Pains he has taken to dif courage Strangers 
from migrating to America affords another ftrong Proof 
of his Regard for this Country. For my Part, I am fo 
thoroughly perf uaded of the Justice of our CausE;, that 
I have no Doubt of eftablifhing our Liberties upon fo 
Jure a Foundation, that Strangers will applaud our 
generous Struggles to preferve thofe Enjoyments and 
become the more anxious to fettle in America, as in a 
Land of Freedom. 

The Affociation entered into, upon the Diffolution of 
our Affembly, I find hath afforded the Author a Subject 
for Mirth and Pleaiantry. Whether this is a Seaf on for 
fuch delicious Entertainments, others will judge. Upon 
me they are entirely loft. I had before heard this Affo- 
ciation found Fault with, as not being extensive enough ; 

68 



fo that I coulcl little expect to fee it ranked by any one 
aniong-ft violent Meafiires; much lefs, that fo refpectable 
a Kumber of Gentlemen would be ridiculed for that 
Moderation, which, to all impartial Perfons, muft afford 
the cleareft of their Inclination to live on the moft 
friendly Terms with their Fellow Subjects in Great 
Britain. However, when thefe Refolutions were entered 
into, it was uncertain what Meaf ures the other Colonies 
would adopt ; we did not know how far the Minif ti'y had 
been inftrumental in bringing fuch extenfive Mifchiefs 
on our Sifter Colony ; nor could we foref ee what farther 
Steps the Parliament would take. The Eaft India Com- 
pany was confidered as extremely culpable, and there- 
fore it was refolved that they fhould reap as little Ad- 
vantage from us, as poffible. All their Commodities 
were protected againft, except Saltpetre and Spices. 
Thefe Exceptions were not made, from an Opinion that 
we could not poffihly do without thofe Articles. Salt- 
petre and Spices were confidered not only as useful for 
various Purpofes of Life, but many of them, as neceffary 
in Medicine, Cordials and other Nourifhments required 
by fick Perfons. None of the Affociates, I believe, had 
Eefpect to their Palates; and, had thefe been their Ob- 
ject, I am apt to think it would have been a Foible com- 
mon to them with fome others, and fhould have fup- 
pofed that the Author, at leaft, would have looked on it 
as a venial Error and treated it with greater Indulgence. 
A Ref olution to abolif h Tea, even that on Hand, totally, 
was prudent and neceffary ; as the Stocks of fome Peo- 
ple, to whof e Happinefs it feems f o very effential, would 
probably never have been exhauf ted. Great as my Fond- 
nef s for this delightful Herb once was, I am now taught 
to confider it as the very accurfed Thing, that ought to 
be banif hed, with Dif dain and Horror, from every Ameri- 
can Society. 

69 



The future AJfociations, as propofed by many of the 
Colonies, as well as moft, I believe, of our Inhabitants, 
become the next Objects of the Author's Animadverfion. 
With Refpect to f topping our Exports, there feems to bp 
a Variety of Opinions, as to the Propriety and Juf tice of 
this Meafure; though few, whom I have converfed with, 
doubt the Expedience and Neceffity of the other. Thefe 
Matters, however, will foon be determined at a general 
Meeting of Deputies from the different Counties; when 
I make no Queftion, every Subject will be dif cuffed with 
that Calmnefs and Deliberation, which its Importance 
may demand. Thofe Gentlemen, who incline to adopt 
both Schemes, I dare fay, are actuated by the pureft 
Motives to the public Good. The Parliament they con- 
f ider as having f et the Example in f topping both Imports 
and Exports to and from the Town of Bofton. If the 
Parliament confiders the Advantages of Trade to that 
Town in fo very interefting a Light, as to fuppofe that, 
rather than forego fuch great Emoluments, the Inhabi- 
tants will fubmit to any Acts of Oppreffion; the Advo- 
cates for promoting both thefe meafures, knowing the 
almoft unfpeakable Benefits, which Great Britain de- 
rives from her Trade with the Colonies, give it, as their 
Opinion, that fhe will be equally attentive to her own 
Intereft and the fooner prevailed with to fhorten her 
outftretched Arm, and do the Americans Juftice. Stop- 
ping of Exports from one Country indebted to another, 
where fhe has ufually traded, may lay individual Credi- 
tors under temporary Inconveniences and Hardfhips, 
and can be juftified only in Cafes of the extremeft Ne- 
ceffity. If, how^ever, the Safety of a Community depends 
upon its being done, the Salus Populi then becomes 
fuprema Lex. Thofe, who think their Liberties, their 
Properties, their every Thing, dear and valuable, at 

70 



Stake, and in the mof t imminent Danger of being wref ted 
from them, can have but little Spirit or Inclination to 
labour and toil for their Creditors, efpecially, if they 
with-hold their Affijtance in endeavoring to relieve them 
from Oppreffion. They ought however, in Juftice, to pay 
their Debts with Interest, fo foon as it may be in their 
Power; and they fhould be ready and willing to give 
up fo much of their Property, if required, as will dif- 
charge them immediately. It is, after all that can be 
faid, a very delicate Point. The Honour of the Country, 
which ought ever to be held facred, may poffibly be im- 
peached and reflected upon by fuch, as are Strangers 
to the governing Motives; but, as a Man is fatiffled or 
not of the Purity and Uprightnef s of his own Intentions, 
his Conscience will either acquit or condemn him. What 
I fhould think might, in a great Meafure, fatiffy the 
moft rigid Cafuift, that nothing bafe can lie at the Bot- 
tom of fuch a Scheme, if it is adopted, is, that the en- 
gaging in and adhering to it muft require the greateft 
Sacrifice of private Interefts and the moft vigorous 
Exertions of public Virtue. 

The Non-importation Plan, no One can with Keafon 
object to; not even the warmeft and moft virulent Ad- 
vocate for minif terial Meafures. As a free Man, I f urely 
have a right to huy or import, and refrain from both, if 
I pleaf e ; in the Exercife of this Privilege, I f hall tranf- 
grefs, notwithftanding the Declarations of a late un- 
precedented Proclamation, no Law divine or human. Tf 
fuch a Proclamation, denouncing the heavief t Pains and 
Penalties, can be juftifled ; I fhould not be furprifed to 
fee a peremptory Mandate fent over to America, com- 
manding every Man to plant fo many Thoufand To- 
bacco Hills, &c. &c. for the Enhancement of the Revenue, 

71 



the Encouragement and Advancement of the Shipping 
and Trade of Great Britain. 

Stoping of Imports only I am hopeful might have all 
the good Effects, we wifh for; but fhould I be dif ap- 
pointed in this, and our Exports be ftill continued, as 
ufual; I fhall have to lament moft feverely that both 
Meafures were not adopted. The Schemes united moft 
certainly would, and it is probable that either of them 
will affect the Inhabitants of Great Britain of every 
Clafs, in a moft fenfible Manner. Thofe, who think the 
Tradefmen and Mechanicks only will fuffer, feem to 
have taken but a partial View of the Cafe. There is fo 
intimate and nice a Connection between the different 
Branches of Trade and Bulinefs of every Kind m that 
Country, that few of them can be affected without the 
Whole bearing fome Proportion of whatever Lofs may 
be fuftained. The Landholder , and the Merchant will 
feel the Inconvenience, as well as the Tradefmen and 
Mechanick. When the Interest of all thefe comes to be 
worked upon, they will be convinced that the oppreffive 
Schemes of the Miniftry could not be enforced without 
the Concurrence of their Repref entatives in Parliament ; 
they will, it is hoped, be excited, not to Acts of Violence, 
but to a proper and Jeafonahle Exertion of that conjti- 
tutional Influence and Authority, which they have a 
Right to exercife. Should their Endeavors to relieve 
America from her Diftref s be withheld, whatever Incon- 
veniences they may be put to, the Colonies muft furely 
be acquitted by every impartial Judge. Much lefs Rea- 
fon can they have to complain, if ftoping Exports to 
Great Britain is pof tponed to a dif tant, future Day ; this 
will give fufficient Notice of what they may expect; a 
great Part of the American Debts will certainly be dif- 
charged, and the Refources the Colonies will have left, 

72 



if they are permitted to draw from them, will, in all 
Probability, enable them to pay off the full Balance in 
a reafonable Time. Let America but ftop her importing 
Hand; apply a proper Share of her Industry to Manu- 
factures, and the reft of her Labour to cultivating and 
raifing fuch Articles, as fhe is allowed to export to other 
Markets, and I have the moft fanguine Expectations 
that fhe will, not only very f peedily extricate herf elf from 
Debt, but find the Balance considerably in her Favour. 
Should fhe, by the Hand of Power, be laid under farther 
Reftrictions in her Trade, and by this Means any Part 
of her Debt remain unfatiffied, the Fault will not be 
her's. So that every Suggeftion of a Defign in the Colo- 
nifts to extinguijh the fmalleft Portion of their Debts 
muft appear groundlefs and unjuft. I know it has been 
infinuated, with a View to fix an Odium on the Colonies, 
that they have failed in former Engagements to fatisfy 
their Creditors; but this, confidered as an Accufation 
on the whole Continent, as it muft have been intended, 
I am convinced is without Foundation. That fome In- 
dividuals may have remained in Debt for a Number of 
Years and that Infolvencies may have happened in 
America, as well as Great Britain, I will not deny; but 
chief of the old Balances, I make no Doubt, have been 
long fince paid off, and that the Debts, now due, have 
been moftly contracted fince in a Courfe of Trade 
equally, if not more, advantageous to the Britifh Mer- 
chants and Traders, than to the Colonifts. For the 
Truth, at leaft Probability of this, I appeal to the 
various Solicitations and Allurements held out, par- 
ticularly to my Countrymen, to engage and continue in 
this Trade. The Balance againft America proves clear- 
ly on which Side the Advantage has been. 

Unlefs the Author is prepared for a Difappointment, 

73 



I would not hare him depend too much on his prefent 
Opinion of the propofed Affociation compared with that 
entered into fome Years ago, I have already hinted 
fome of the Reafons why this was neglected; but I am 
convinced he will find a quite different Spirit prevail- 
ing throughout America at this Time. Thofe Diver j i- 
ties of Opinions and Differences of Intereft, which 
formerly fubfifted, will now, I am perfuaded, be facri- 
flced to the Good of the Whole. Whether the Duty on 
Tea was, at firft, confidered as an internal Tax or not, 
is now quite immaterial. The defigns of the Miniftry 
were not then f een through by many ; but I think I have 
fhewn clearly that this Duty had originally every 
odious Feature of fuch a Tax. Can a Doubt now remain, 
when we find an Armament fent either to enforce the 
Payment of it or to punifh moft feverely thofe, who 
refufe to do it? Such a Refufal, as this, the Author 
w^ould conftrue into a Refiftance of the Authority of 
Parliament to lay Duties on their own Commodities^ 
which we do not wifh to queftion, when it is really done 
as a commercial Regulation. I grant, it makes no Dif- 
ference to me, as to the Quantum of the Tax, whether 
it is paid in Great Britain or the Colonies ; whether my 
Merchant pays it for me, or whether I do it myf elf ; but 
Circumftances will make that oppreffive in one Cafe, 
which would be almoft indifferent in another. I have 
neither paid this Tax myfelf nor allowed my Merchant 
to do it for me, fince the Ule of Tea was ref olved againf t 
in America ; and, which is f till more, I never will pay it. 

The Mention of a Precedent, our Author, in the Abun- 
dance of his Politenefs, tells us is ridiculous; and we 
are referred to the Lift of his favourite Duties to fee 
whether there has been any Want of Examples. That 
America hath acquiefced in and paid former Duties, 

74 



and fome of thefe merely internal, I do not deny; but 
fhe did not dif cover their dangerous Tendency till, with- 
in thefe few Years, her Eyes were clearly opened hj 
farther Encroachments. Why muft the Mention of 
Precedents be ridiculous, when we find they were 
ftrenuoufly relied on by the Minifter, and all his Ad- 
vocates, to juftify the Stamp Act, and are ftill quoted 
as Authorities to rivet Chains about our Necks? Is it 
not high Time for America to look about her and not 
fuffer ancient Precedents to acquire additional Weight 
from others more recent? We are again reminded of 
the Potcer of Parliament to enforce f uch Duties, as they 
may think expedient; and are told that America will 
refufe the Payment of them, ivhenever fhe is able. Is 
it not ftrange that a Gentleman, who profeffes himfelf 
fo great a Friend to lenient Meafures, fhould, at every 
Turn, take fo much Pains to remind Parliament of its 
fuperior Power, and flatter America that fhe will, one 
Day, be able, and certainly will refift it? Is not this 
the moft direct and fureft Method of fowing the Seeds 
of Perpetual Dif cord? We are advifed truly for the 
prejent, to affect a Submiffion ; but ftill are to harbour 
in our Breafts the Poifon of Difcontent and Animofity, 
which muft fefter and rankle to fuch a Degree, that 
they will, at a future Day, moft affuredly burft forth 
with redoubled Violence and Fury. Whether fuch Senti- 
ments, as thefe, are likely to prove inimical or friendly 
to either Country, let them both judge. The Author 
widely miftakes what the true and real Friends of 
America hope to have done. They do not defire to leave 
every Thing to Pofterity, but rather wifh to have Mat- 
ters now fettled upon fuch Principles, as will lay a 
ftrong and broad Foundation of Concord and recipro- 
cal Friendfhip, never more to be interrupted. 

75 



As to f topping up the Courts of Juf tice ; it is a Meaf- 
ure, I own, that cannot be juftified, but in Cafes of the 
laft Neceffity. If, however, the Magiftrates, who act 
on Oath, think they cannot proceed in Bufinefs with- 
out a Fee Bill, what would the Author have them do 
more, than exercife that Part of their Office, which is 
neceffary to preferve the Peace and good Order of So- 
ciety? This I underftand is univerfally refolved on 
throughout the Country. That the Fee Bill has expired 
is a Circumftance we lament and ought not to be blamed 
for. Before he cenfured the Magiftrates fo very fevere- 
ly for declining to fit, he would have done well to con- 
fider how far he himfelf coincided. If I am not mif- 
taken, this Gentleman holds a Seat in one or more 
Courts of Juf tice; he fhould let us know what Part he 
took to prevent the Occlufion of thofe Courts, and then, 
perhaps, his Arguments would have more Weight. 

The Affociation he would recommend is that we 
fhould all unite in Virtue; puhlic Virtue , he is careful 
to tell us he means, left, I fuppofe, we fhould put too 
great a Value on the other. Puhlic Virtue is what we 
earneftly wifh to roufe and excite in every American 
Breaf t ; f ince, without it, we may probably f uffer in the 
very beft of Caufes. But why is private Virtue fo low 
in his Efteem? Without this, the other, in my Judg- 
ment, is like the Bafelefs Fahrick of a V if ion. If a Man 
is not juft to himfelf J I can hardly fuppofe he will be 
fo to others, upon any trying Emergency. What is 
called public Virtue, unlefs built on private Virtue, will 
become too precarious and unftable to be relied on. A 
Man, with a fmall Stock of private Virtues, may, in- 
deed, as his Intereft governs, do a Thing, from which 
the Public may reap Advantage; fhift but the Scene; 
let his Intereft draw in a different Direction, and we 

76 



fhall find him, Proteus like, put on a new Livery. It 
may be relied on as a certain Truth, exemplified by the 
moft extenfive Experience, that no Man can be fat'ely 
trufted, who does not act upon solid, virtuous Prin- 
ciples. We are advifed to apply ourfelves quietly to 
the Cultivation of our Soil; but how can this be done 
without the Permijjion of a fuperior Power? How can 
it with Reafon, be expected that we fhould labour, un- 
lefs we are kindly allowed to reap and enjoy the Fruits 
of our Toil? 

"Our public Happinefs, we are told, depends on the 
"People ;" granted that it does in a great Meaf ure. Had 
the Author added to his Lift of Qualifications neceffary 
to make a proper Reprefentative, that he ought to be a 
Man of private as well as public Virtue; One who really 
loves his Country, and would fupport her true Intereft, 
even though he fhould be forced to facrifice every finif- 
ter, felfifh C on j (deration, it would have made the Cata- 
logue nearly complete; but I fhould like it ftill better, 
if a proper Rejpect and Reverence for Religion were 
required as an effential Part of the Character. 

I am now led to take a View of the Author's very 
curious and decent Strictures on the Faft, which was 
recommended by the late Houfe of Burgeffes to the 
Members. Upon this Subject, he feems to have opened 
every Vein of Paltry Ridicule ; but f urely he hath either 
ftrangely miftaken, or profanely applied his Talent. 
He might have learned from one of thof e great Masters, 
under whofe Aufpices he probably was nurtured, that 
Ridicule is the Teft of Truth, and thought this a fit 
Opportunity to difplay it with Advantage. A Stranger, 
from his Reprefentation, would fuppofe that we had 
acted a ridiculous Farce, inftead of what was f o folemn- 
ly recommended. Though the Author had loft Sight of 

77 



all Decorum, he fhoiild, at leaft, have confined himfelf 
to the Rules of Juftice. I beg to know of him in whofe 
Houfes thofe fumptuous Sujjpers, he alludes to, were 
ferved up at Night. I am fure I neither faw nor heard 
any Thing of the Sort. Thofe, who had faftevl through 
the Day, it was fupposed would refrefh themfelves in 
the Evening. Nature required and Decency did not 
forbid it. It could hardly have been expected, even by 
the moft indigent, (who it feems have fuddenlp become 
Objects of his great Care) that the Calls and Cravings 
of Nature fhould have remained unanfwered. Savings, 
indeed, in Inf tances of Superfluity and pompous Parade, 
may properly be expected, as well towards their Relief, 
as the Satisfaction of all other juft Demands. He has 
exceedingly miftaken the Matter, in fuppofing that the 
Authors of the Meafure either wifhed for his Com- 
mendations or to be tickled by his Flatteries. 

"Faffing, we are told, when obferved and repeated 
"in a proper Manner, may be falutary to the natural 
Body;" (thus much no doubt he collected from Ex- 
perience;) "but how the political Body can be benefited 
"by changing Hour of dining and making the Repaft 
"in the Evening, inftead of the Afternoon (which was 
"all that was required on the late Occafion, except the 
"Circumftances of attending the public Worship, in 
"which, inftead of a Form compofed for the Purpofe, 
"the ordinary Sei'vice of the Day was read) is what he 
"cannot account for." Not to be tedious in ufelefs 
Quotations, I muft refer the Reader to fome other of 
his very pretty Obfervations that follow. As he feems 
little acquainted with the Reaf ons for f etting apart par- 
ticular Days for folemn Fafting and Prayer on any 
Occafion, and the Motives, which governed on a late 
one, I will take the Liberty to exprefs my Senfe of both. 

78 



There are many, it is to be hoped, {would God there 
were more) who do not confider this as a poor, Orphan 
World, difcharged, fo foon as it was called into Being, 
from the Care, Superintendetice, and Protection of its 
all-wife, and hountifiU Creator. Things, in general, 
they know are left to purfiie their ordinary Courfe, in 
Conformity to the Laws of their Nature; but ftill, they 
confider the whole World as under the Direction of 
Providence. They have been taught that not even a 
Sparrow falleth to the Ground, without the Permifiion 
of their heavenly Father. They are enjoined not only 
to pray, but to be inftant in Prayer, for his Mercies and 
Protection. Upon thef e Principles is founded and 
eftablifhed, by Authority, the Service of our excellent 
Church, which I would recommend to the Author's more 
ferious Confideration. Not only Individuals, but, in a 
more efpecial Manner, Nations and Countries, as hav- 
ing their Exiftence folely in this Life, have been con- 
fidered by all Ages, and particularly by all good Chrif- 
tians, as under the Guidance of Heaven. In Cafes of 
general Calamity, either already felt or apprehended, 
what can be more decent and proper than to look up 
to that Providence, who we are inftructed to believe 
ruleth the Hearts of Kings and Governors, according 
to his good Pleafure, and to implore the affiftance and 
Bleffings of his fatherly Goodnefs; at the fame Time 
making Ufe of all thofe juft and proper Means, which 
he either hath been, or may be pleafed to afford us for 
our Protection. Previous, however, to this, we fhould 
be extremely careful to examine our Hearts; to en- 
deavour at a Reformation of whatever may be found 
amifs; to repent heartily of all our Sins and to prepare 
our Minds for the Reception of the Influences of his 
good Spirit. Can any Means be better adapted to this 

79 



End, than withdrawing our Attention, for a Seafon, 
from the Bufinefs and Cares of the World, and mortify- 
ing all our Corrupt Ajfections by Fasting and Prayer? 
To fuppofe that any good Effect could have been ex- 
pected from the mere poftponing a Dinner, to ufe the 
Author's polite Phrafe, would have been ridiculous. I 
have too much Reafon to believe that the Defign of this 
Fajt was either mifunderftood or mifreprefented from 
the firft, having been informed that it was fpoke of by 
fome as a Scheme calculated to inflame and excite an 
enthufiaftic Zeal in the Minds of the People, under a 
Cloak of Religion; than which nothing could be more 
calumnious and unjuft. The Author muft know that 
the Refolution was not jmuggled, but propofed in a very 
full Houje, not above one Diffentient appearing amongf t 
near an Hundred Members. He, himfelf, I believe was 
prefent, and fhould be glad to know whether he opened 
his Mouth againft the Meafure? Surely he could not 
want that Refolution, he fo earneftly recommends, to 
have avowed his Difapprohation. The mixing of Relig- 
ion with civil Matters, merely to inflame People's Minds, 
I know has been practif ed on fome Occafions, but I have 
ever confidered it not only as culpable, but extremely 
wicked. It gave me Pain to find that the Refolution of 
the Houfe was confidered as reflecting upon our gra- 
cious Sovereign. Nothing, I hope and believe, was 
farther from the Intention of thofe, who voted for the 
Faft, than this. I fpeak pofitively for myfelf. 

The Minds of many People, efpecially of their Repre- 
fentatives, were a good Deal agitated, at a former Sef- 
fion upon receiving an Account of the Act of Parlia- 
ment refpecting Rhode Ifland, and for the Reafons be- 
fore given. When the Bof ton Port Act appeared at the 
laf t Seffion, the general Uneaf inefs, that prevailed muft 

80 



be remembered. Many Expedients were thought of 
and the Meafure propofed with the Refult of much De- 
liberation. Its primary Object I have endeavoured to 
explain; but there were others of a fecondary Nature. 
So far from defigning to inflame, I believe it was ex- 
pected that the Generality of People would be brought 
to a ferious and proper Senf e of their Danger ; the Con- 
duct they ought to hold ; and, at the fame Time, that it 
would be a Means of reftraining them from Acts of 
Violence and Intemperance, It was, with much Pleaf- 
ure, I obferved that thefe Effects were produced. An- 
other good Influence it might have been expected to 
have, was, that certain great Men of this Earth might 
be brought to a proper Senfe of that Juftice, which is 
due to all their Fellow Subjects, by reminding thenv that 
there is a fuperior Poioer, even a God in Heaven, to 
whom they will be one Day accountable for all their 
Actions. As to the ordinary Service of the Church 
being only performed on the Occafion; the late Houfe 
of Burgeffes muft think themfelves peculiarly unfor- 
tunate in falling under the Author's Ceufure for this. 
They did not prefiime to defire that any Additions 
fhould be made to that f acred Office, which they knew 
was properly adapted to every Purpofe. They did not 
wifh that any Thing particularly pointed or inflamma- 
tory fhould fall from the Pulpit. A general Difplay of 
the Superintendence of Providence, and the Influence, 
which a thorough Conviction and Remembrance of this, 
ought to have, together with an implicit Reliance on his 
Goodnefs, were the Doctrines, which they defired to 
have inculcated, leaving the Congregation to their own 
Reflections in making proper Applications. The People 
of Bofton will have no Reafon to fuppofe that it was 
our Defign to fob them off, in their unhappy Situation, 

81 



with Faffing and Prayer. They will foon be informed, 
if they have not heard it already, how very cordially we 
fympathife with them in their Difftreffes, and that we 
are exerting every Means, in our Power, for their Relief. 
Should we, indeed, purfue his Advice, it would be foh- 
hing them off with a Witnefs. The Author, not having 
profeffedly entered upon that long agitated Queftion, 
refpecting the Authority of Parliament to tax the Col- 
onies, I am very willing to reft the Point upon what 
hath been already written by abler Pens, much to my 
Satisfaction, and to my thorough Conviction that they 
have no juch Authority. 

At length he draws to a Conclufion and tells us that 
he has "fpoke pretty much in Generals, but, if called 
"upon, can defcend to Particulars." It would have been 
obliging to the Public, if he had favoured them with any 
farther material Obf ervations ; but what can he have 
left unfaid, that would anfwer his Purpofe? That he 
is determined to act with Caution, none, I believe, will 
doubt; but I have lived to fee fome very cautious Per- 
fons fall through their deepejt Schemes. Could the 
Author Suppofe that thofe fervile, dangerous Doc- 
trines, he hath advanced, would remain unnoticed? 
With what Juftice or Propriety could he prefume to 
cenfure what he is pleafed to call the Severity of fome 
Men's Tempers, when he fo roundly charges thofe, who 
differ from him in Sentiments, with Want of "Integ- 
rity;" with the "Arts of Diffimulation" and almoft 
every Species of Bafenefs? Could he flatter himfelf 
that ^'Men of Senfe" would not eafily fee through his 
"Deception," and, as eafily, diftinguifh it from ''Real- 
ity," notwithftanding the folemn Appeal he makes to 
that great "Day, when the Actions of all Men will he 
"fully dif covered, and their Integrity known?" 

82 



It is more than probable that a Reply will be at- 
tempted to what I have written. Should it contain any 
Species of Reafoning, worthy of Confideration, perhaps 
it may engage my farther Attention ; otherwif e, I f hall 
indulge a filent, contemptuous Indifference; quite im- 
pregnable to every Aff ault of affected Wit or Ridicule ; 
thofe very defpicable Things, for which I acknowledge 
myfelf to have neither Tafte nor Talents, efpecially in 
a Caufe of fo ferious and important a Nature. 

I chearfully accord with the Author's Wifhes, that 
America may be reftored to "the fame Situation, in 
"which it was, when our moft gracious Sovereign af- 
"cended the Imperial Throne of his Royal Anceftors." 
It is, farther, my moft ardent Prayer that all thofe un- 
happy Differences, which fubfift between Great Britain 
and America may fpeedily fubfide and be buried in 
eternal Ohlivion; that a perfect Reconciliation and in- 
violable Friendfhip may be eftablifhed on the moft per- 
manent Foundations, and, that both Countries may en- 
joy the inexhauftihle Sweets of conftitiitional Freedom 
and Liberty, till Time fhall be no more. 



83 



{ 



